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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Follow<strong>in</strong>g Jacobsen (1968), Rigsby and Silverste<strong>in</strong> (1969), Zwicky (1971),<br />

and Hall and Hall (1980), Mackenzie (2002) assumes that surface [i] represents a<br />

merger of /i/ and a [–ATR] vowel that can be represented as /E/. In (7.28a, b)<br />

the underly<strong>in</strong>g stem vowel is [–ATR] /E/ and <strong>in</strong> (7.28c, d) it is [+ATR] /i/. 21<br />

Thus, every vowel has a counterpart that contrasts with it <strong>in</strong> the feature [ATR].<br />

(7.29) Nez Perce underly<strong>in</strong>g vowels<br />

i [+ATR] u<br />

E [–ATR] ç<br />

[+ATR] [–ATR]<br />

Q A<br />

By any def<strong>in</strong>ition, [ATR] would appear to be a <strong>contrastive</strong> feature <strong>in</strong> the<br />

underly<strong>in</strong>g vowel system of Nez Perce. What are the other <strong>contrastive</strong> features?<br />

Abstract<strong>in</strong>g away from [ATR], we have a classic three-vowel system, which we<br />

can designate /I, A, U/. In such systems it is usual to have a height feature,<br />

either [low] or [high], and a place feature, either [back] or [round]. 22 [low] is a<br />

better choice than [high] because the surface non-low [ATR] pairs are not strictly<br />

[+high], whereas the low pair are both [+low]. Follow<strong>in</strong>g Jakobson and Halle’s<br />

(1956) assumption that a contrast between high and low sonority is, preferably,<br />

21 In its dual behaviour, Nez Perce /i/ is quite different from Classical Manchu /i/. It is more like<br />

Classical Manchu /u/, which represents the surface merger of two underly<strong>in</strong>g vowels when not<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g a velar or uvular consonant.<br />

22 <strong>The</strong> feature names are chosen to facilitate comparison with Bakovic@’s analysis.<br />

301

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