The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have given each marked feature an unmarked counterpart, so that all classes of vowels can be picked out. The similarity measures are shown in (8.22). (8.21) Vowel features for Classical Manchu a. [syllabic] /i, ´, a, ç, u, U/ b. [back] /´, a, ç, u, U/ c. [ front] /i/ d. [low] /´, a, ç/ e. [non-low] /i, u, U/ f. [round] /ç, u, U/ g. [non-round] /i, ´, a/ h. [ATR] /i, ´, u/ i. [non-ATR] /a, ç, U/ (8.22) Similarity measures for Classical Manchu Phonemes Similarity Harmony Phonemes Similarity Harmony a. /ç, U/ 0.45 None b. /a, ç/ 0.45 Labial c. /u, U/ 0.42 ATR d. /´, a/ 0.42 ATR e. /i, u/ 0.33 None f. /i, ´/ 0.33 None g. /´, u/ 0.29 ATR h. /a, U/ 0.23 ATR i. /ç, u/ 0.21 None j. /´, ç/ 0.21 Labial k. /i, U/ 0.15 None l. /i, a/ 0.15 None m. /´, U/ 0.13 ATR n. /a, u/ 0.13 ATR o. /i, ç/ 0.07 None It is evident from the results in (8.22) that the similarity between two phonemes as computed by this metric has no bearing on whether or not these segments may co-occur in a word. We can set no threshold above which 376
harmony is required. To explain why certain vowels participate in harmony, we require a theory that picks out which features are contrastive. 8.4.2. Consonant co-occurrence It has been proposed (Hansson 2001, Rose and Walker 2004) that consonant harmony and other restrictions on the co-occurrence of consonants depend on similarity, as computed by Structured Specification theory. Mackenzie (2005, forthcoming) argues, however, that this theory rather consistently fails to account for common types of consonant harmony and co-occurrence. Recall Bumo Izon (§7.6), in which labial and alveolar voiced stops must all be pulmonic or all implosive in a word; the velar pulmonic voiced stop and the labiovelar implosive consonant do not participate in this restriction. We saw that the phonemes that participate in implosive harmony are exactly the ones that are contrastively specified for the harmonizing feature, [glottalic] (Mackenzie 2005). Hansson (2001) observes that the Structured Specification/natural classes approach will not work for this case. The following demonstration of why this is so is based on the discussion in Mackenzie (2005). For purposes of computing natural classes, let us assume the features in (8.23). 11 Similarity computations for this inventory are shown in (8.24). 11 I observed above that the similarity metric is very sensitive to the choice of features, and different numbers are obtained if we make different decisions about what the features are. For example, the labiovelars can be considered to be combinations of [labial] and [velar] rather than as [labiovelar]. I have not found any combination of features that gives the required results. 377
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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(7.2) Contrastive features for dial
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analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
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feature [high], the contrastively [
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phonological analysis. This should
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7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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elations among features. This is no
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dialects with similar-looking inven
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this burden exists independently of
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(7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
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7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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(7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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no surprise, therefore, to see this
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[coronal] is contributed by /i/, bu
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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
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(7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
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(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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O/, but its scope is limited to the
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one step further, arguing that the
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spreading [high] to a mid vowel uns
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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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and, in the framework of generative
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French contrastive feature hierarch
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(7.54) NZ Ma#ori adaptation of Engl
Page 336 and 337: obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
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Page 344 and 345: figure in the phonology. I conclude
Page 346 and 347: the postlexical or phonetic compone
Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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Page 354 and 355: theory is indirectly sensitive to t
Page 356 and 357: Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
Page 358 and 359: 8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
Page 360 and 361: evaluation of phonetic distance app
Page 362 and 363: specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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Page 368 and 369: fronting. To implement this idea fo
Page 370 and 371: allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
Page 372 and 373: In the analysis sketched above what
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Page 378 and 379: vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
Page 380 and 381: as noncontrastive for [back], the a
Page 382 and 383: on). Of the possible potential clas
Page 384 and 385: symmetrical. The choice of a featur
Page 388 and 389: (8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
Page 390 and 391: (8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
Page 392 and 393: essentially the same as the one ass
Page 394 and 395: Clements argues that the robustness
Page 396 and 397: feature specifications, a major wea
Page 398 and 399: observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
Page 400 and 401: there are vowels that are [+high, -
Page 402 and 403: . Features that make each other log
Page 404 and 405: [round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
Page 406 and 407: and contradicts the intuition, shar
Page 408 and 409: Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
Page 410 and 411: uniting phonologists who do not oth
Page 412 and 413: short back (or central) low vowel i
Page 414 and 415: In a hierarchical conception of con
Page 416 and 417: 406
Page 418 and 419: These two concepts have not always
Page 420 and 421: 410
Page 422 and 423: Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
Page 424 and 425: Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
Page 426 and 427: Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
Page 428 and 429: Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431: Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433: Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435: Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
Page 452 and 453:
Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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