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7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in a word apart from /i/ must agree with respect to [ATR], as shown in (7.14). (7.14) ATR harmony in Classical Manchu a. /´/ alternates with /a/ x´x´ ‘woman’ x´x´-Ng´ ‘female’ aGa ‘rain’ aGa-NGa ‘of rain’ b. /u/ alternates with /U/ x´r´- ‘ladle out’ x´r´-ku ‘ladle’ 288 paqt'a- ‘contain’ paqt'a-qU ‘internal organs’ The alternation between /u/ and /U/ is apparent only after back (velar and uvular) consonants (which also alternate, depending on the following vowel). In other contexts, /u/ and /U/ merge at the surface into [u], except for a few sporadic examples. Zhang (1996) assumes that this is a late phonetic rule, since it does not affect the behaviour of /U/ with respect to ATR harmony, as shown in (7.15). (7.15) Merger of /U/ to [u] except after back consonants a. Underlying /u/: ATR harmony sus´ ‘coarse’ sus´-t´- ‘make coarsely’ x´t'u ‘stocky’ x´t'u-k´n ‘somewhat stocky’ b. Underlying /U/ not after velar/uvular consonants tulpa ‘careless’ tulpa-ta- ‘act carelessly’ tat'ßun ‘sharp’ tat'ßu-qan ‘somewhat sharp’
In each word in (7.15b) the vowel that surfaces as [u] patterns with non-ATR vowels; compare the forms in (7.15a). I suppose, following Zhang (1996), that [u] in (7.15b) derives from /U/, which merges with /u/ as [u] in these environments. The vowel /i/ is neutral, as shown in (7.16). It can co-occur in roots with both ATR and non-ATR vowels and with both ATR and non-ATR suffixes (7.16a, b), and it can itself appear in a suffix following either ATR or non-ATR vowels (7.16c). (7.16) ATR harmony in Classical Manchu: /i/ is neutral a. /´/ ~ /a/ suffix p´ki ‘firm’ p´ki-l´ ‘make firm’ paqtß'in ‘opponent’ paqtß'i-la- ‘oppose’ b. /u/ ~ /U/ suffix sit´r´- ‘hobble’ sit´r´-sxun ‘hobbled/lame’ panjin ‘appearance’ panji-sXUn ‘having money’ c. /i/ suffix ´mt'´ ‘one each’ ´mt'´-li ‘alone; sole’ taXa- ‘follow’ taXa-li ‘the second’ Surprisingly, when /i/ is in a position to trigger harmony, it occurs only with non-ATR vowels, as in (7.17). 289
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
Page 248 and 249: We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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Page 274 and 275: value: the fact that all the alloph
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Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 310 and 311: (7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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340
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342
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theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
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Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
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Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
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Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
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Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
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Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
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Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
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Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
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Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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