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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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the postlexical or phonetic components where this limitation does not obta<strong>in</strong>. If a<br />

post-phonological rule that refers to redundant features is <strong>in</strong>correctly assigned to<br />

the phonological component, we will create an apparent counterexample to the<br />

Contrastivist Hypothesis that will disappear once the rule is reassigned to its<br />

correct component.<br />

That said, not all counterexamples to the Contrastivist Hypothesis can be<br />

resolved <strong>in</strong> these ways, and we are left with real counterexamples that have to be<br />

accounted for. Hall (2007) presents one class of cases of this k<strong>in</strong>d, and proposes<br />

<strong>in</strong> response a slight modification of the Contrastivist Hypothesis.<br />

7.9.3. ‘Prophylactic’ features (Hall 2007)<br />

Yowlumne Yokuts provides a real counterexample to the Contrastivist<br />

Hypothesis. We have seen that the underly<strong>in</strong>g vowel system of Yowlumne is<br />

specified by two <strong>contrastive</strong> features, repeated here <strong>in</strong> more detail as (7.60).<br />

(7.60) Yowlumne underly<strong>in</strong>g vowels<br />

-round +round<br />

i i˘ u u˘ +high<br />

a a˘ o o˘ –high<br />

In lexical (underly<strong>in</strong>g) forms, Yowlumne has a symmetrical vowel system<br />

where each short vowel has a long counterpart. Underly<strong>in</strong>g long high vowels,<br />

however, are not pronounced as such, but are lowered. /u:/ lowers to /o:/, as<br />

expected, but lowered /i:/ comes out as [e:], not as [a:]. Inspection of (7.60)<br />

reveals that the allophone [e:] cannot be accommodated with the two features<br />

336

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