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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Phonological theory, however, did not advance <strong>in</strong> that direction. Rather,<br />

considerations of efficient cod<strong>in</strong>g and m<strong>in</strong>imality came to the fore. Failure to f<strong>in</strong>d<br />

a universal feature order may have led to a certa<strong>in</strong> loss of faith <strong>in</strong> the utility of<br />

feature order<strong>in</strong>g. F<strong>in</strong>ally, the advent of a s<strong>in</strong>gle gradual derivation from lexical to<br />

phonetic representations blurred the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between <strong>contrastive</strong> and<br />

redundant specifications, result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the total eclipse of the Contrastivist<br />

Hypothesis. Lack<strong>in</strong>g this empirical motivation, the stage was set for the<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>hierarchy</strong> to be ushered out of phonological theory when<br />

underspecification itself came under attack.<br />

4.8. Stanley (1967) and the end of zeros <strong>in</strong> generative <strong>phonology</strong><br />

Stanley’s famous article, ‘Redundancy rules <strong>in</strong> <strong>phonology</strong>’ (Stanley 1967), is well<br />

known <strong>in</strong> the phonological literature for its attack on the potential for misuse of<br />

zero values <strong>in</strong> b<strong>in</strong>ary feature matrices. This article conv<strong>in</strong>ced phonologists that<br />

the phonological component should be limited to work<strong>in</strong>g with fully specified<br />

matrices. In place of fill<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> empty values by redundancy rules, Stanley<br />

proposed the adoption of morpheme structure constra<strong>in</strong>ts. <strong>The</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> proposals<br />

of this article were adopted by Chomsky and Halle 1968 (SPE) and other<br />

<strong>in</strong>fluential works and effectively put an end to underspecification <strong>in</strong> <strong>phonology</strong><br />

for the next fifteen years.<br />

Stanley’s general arguments aga<strong>in</strong>st underspecification would have<br />

sufficed to put an end to any sort of underspecification. However, he also made<br />

some arguments explicitly aga<strong>in</strong>st the ‘branch<strong>in</strong>g diagrams,’ that is, the<br />

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