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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Clause (i) def<strong>in</strong>es as non<strong>contrastive</strong> those feature specifications that are<br />

logically redundant <strong>in</strong> pairs of features. For example, given a constra<strong>in</strong>t *[+low,<br />

+round], it is predictable that a low vowel must be [–round]; by the same token,<br />

any vowel that is [+round] must be [–low]. If we compare this with a <strong>contrastive</strong><br />

<strong>hierarchy</strong> where [low] > [round], then the first conclusion is consistent with that<br />

derived by the <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>hierarchy</strong>: [round] is not <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>in</strong> the doma<strong>in</strong> of<br />

[low]. <strong>The</strong> second conclusion allows the lower feature to make the higher one<br />

non<strong>contrastive</strong>.<br />

<strong>The</strong> danger of the procedure <strong>in</strong> clause (i) is that features can make each<br />

other non<strong>contrastive</strong>, thereby fail<strong>in</strong>g to dist<strong>in</strong>guish between phonemes. This is<br />

one of the characteristic shortcom<strong>in</strong>gs of identify<strong>in</strong>g system redundancy with<br />

logical redundancy (see §2.5). For such cases, clause (ii) stipulates that one<br />

chooses the feature that is higher <strong>in</strong> the order<strong>in</strong>g as <strong>contrastive</strong>.<br />

Consider how this procedure will apply to the high-vowel <strong>in</strong>ventory /i, y,<br />

u/. To simplify the discussion, we will assume that [+high] is <strong>contrastive</strong> and<br />

focus on [back], [round], and [ATR].<br />

(8.37) Assign<strong>in</strong>g <strong>contrastive</strong> specifications (Calabrese 2005)<br />

a. Beg<strong>in</strong> with full specifications<br />

i y u<br />

high + + +<br />

back – – +<br />

round – + +<br />

ATR + + +<br />

391

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