The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government Phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud 1985), Dependency Phonology (Anderson and Ewen 1987), and Radical CV Phonology (van der Hulst 1995, 1996, 2005). It is not possible to discuss all these theories here. Rather, I will focus on how a theory of feature organization might be related to the contrastive hierarchy. 5.4.1. Feature geometry What has come to be known as ‘feature geometry’ developed as an extension and generalization of the theory of Autosegmental Phonology (Goldsmith 1976), which starts with the observation that certain features, notably tone, are relatively autonomous of the other segmental features. In their review and synthesis of a number of approaches to feature geometry, Clements and Hume (1995: 245–6) write, ‘Earlier theoreticians tended to think of phonemes as unstructured sets of features, or ‘feature bundles’ in Bloomfield’s well-known characterization. In accordance with this view, later work in the Jakobsonian and generative traditions treated segments as feature columns with no internal structure.’ 15 One obvious similarity between feature geometry and the contrastive hierarchy is that they both encode hierarchical relations between features. In 15 As we have seen, this summary is not entirely correct. Jakobson and early generative phonology did experiment with a hierarchical approach to features in terms of the contrastive hierarchy. 206
(5.32) I present the geometry proposed by Clements and Hume (1995: 292). 16 These trees contain two kinds of nodes. Terminal nodes in square brackets, such as [nasal], [continuant], and [labial], are features. The other nodes, such as laryngeal, oral cavity, and C-place, are class labels that function as organizing nodes, grouping together the features below them. The root node receives special treatment, as it is considered to be not just an organizing node, but also bears the major class features [sonorant], [approximant], and [vocoid]. (5.32) Feature geometry (Clements and Hume 1995: 292) a. Consonants laryngeal [spread] [constricted] [labial] [nasal] € [voiced] [anterior] C-place [coronal] [dorsal] [distributed] oral cavity 207 [continuant] 16 The feature [vocoid] is the converse of [consonantal], and the class of vocoids includes vowels and glides. root ⎡ ±sonorant ⎤ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ±approximant⎥ ⎣ ⎢ –vocoid ⎦ ⎥
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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Page 170 and 171: c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
Page 172 and 173: arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
Page 174 and 175: ules to which a purely formal evalu
Page 176 and 177: nevertheless interact with the phon
Page 178 and 179: the rule replacing [m F] as the com
Page 180 and 181: (5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
Page 182 and 183: emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
Page 184 and 185: d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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Page 188 and 189: distinguish between contrastive and
Page 190 and 191: manipulates only +/- values, not m/
Page 192 and 193: Linking crucially depends on the fe
Page 194 and 195: of underspecification theory and le
Page 196 and 197: marked on sonorants in the lexicon
Page 198 and 199: Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
Page 200 and 201: constrain this process by a hierarc
Page 202 and 203: RU does not fully adopt the Contras
Page 204 and 205: minimality. This leaves us with the
Page 206 and 207: Similar results can be shown to be
Page 208 and 209: for example, the underlying vowel s
Page 210 and 211: 5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
Page 212 and 213: (5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
Page 214 and 215: all logical redundancies, nor does
Page 218 and 219: .Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
Page 220 and 221: 5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
Page 222 and 223: A fourth difference is that the var
Page 224 and 225: Intuitively, the two segments diffe
Page 226 and 227: epresentations beyond the needs of
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Page 230 and 231: 6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
Page 232 and 233: convert the coda into an onset, and
Page 234 and 235: eing equal, this implies that a son
Page 236 and 237: 6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
Page 238 and 239: 6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
Page 240 and 241: 6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
Page 242 and 243: (6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
Page 244 and 245: (6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
Page 246 and 247: epresentation because it, too, viol
Page 248 and 249: We can mimic the effect of the Pair
Page 250 and 251: limiting specifications to those th
Page 252 and 253: and the rest of the features are re
Page 254 and 255: to adopt privative features, where
Page 256 and 257: 6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
Page 258 and 259: (6.29) Implicational constraints fo
Page 260 and 261: In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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Page 264 and 265: (6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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(7.2) Contrastive features for dial
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analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
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feature [high], the contrastively [
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phonological analysis. This should
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7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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elations among features. This is no
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dialects with similar-looking inven
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this burden exists independently of
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(7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
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7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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(7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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no surprise, therefore, to see this
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[coronal] is contributed by /i/, bu
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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
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(7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
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(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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O/, but its scope is limited to the
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one step further, arguing that the
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spreading [high] to a mid vowel uns
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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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and, in the framework of generative
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French contrastive feature hierarch
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(7.54) NZ Ma#ori adaptation of Engl
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obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
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While the contrastive hierarchy has
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fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
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their perceptual system to the cont
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figure in the phonology. I conclude
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the postlexical or phonetic compone
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However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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340
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342
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theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
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Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
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Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
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Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
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Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
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Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
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Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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