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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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(5.29) Yowlumne Round<strong>in</strong>g harmony (Archangeli 1984)<br />

[+round]<br />

[α high] [α high]<br />

<strong>The</strong> rule makes reference to the feature [α high]. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to the RROC, the<br />

reference to [α high] triggers all rules that fill <strong>in</strong> both values of [high], if they<br />

have not yet applied, before the spread of [round] can occur. S<strong>in</strong>ce round<strong>in</strong>g<br />

harmony is a fairly early rule, there are no empirical consequences of the<br />

decision to specify only [–high] <strong>in</strong> underly<strong>in</strong>g forms. As far as the <strong>phonology</strong> is<br />

concerned, both values of [high] may as well have been specified.<br />

5.3.2.3. Summary<br />

Although Radical Underspecification takes phonological activity <strong>in</strong>to account to<br />

the extent that it bases the choice of underly<strong>in</strong>g specifications on the identity of<br />

the epenthetic vowel, this is the only aspect of phonological activity it looks at.<br />

Considerations of m<strong>in</strong>imality trump any other criteria, and the RROC<br />

systematically removes phonological activity as a possible determ<strong>in</strong>ant of feature<br />

specification by <strong>in</strong>sulat<strong>in</strong>g the theory from any possible negative consequences of<br />

underspecification. As Hall (2007: 24–26) puts <strong>in</strong>, Radical Underspecification<br />

predicts that features may be absent only if they are redundant, whereas the<br />

Contrastivist Hypothesis says that they may be present only if they are<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong>.<br />

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