The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveolar plosives and implosives (Efere 2001) Plosives Implosives Labials bu¤bu¤ ‘rub (powder in face)’ ∫U@∫aI ‘yesterday’ Alveolars Îç@Îç@ ‘cold’ Mixed bI¤dE¤ ‘cloth’ Îa¤∫a¤ ‘swamp’ The velar plosive /g/ and the labiovelar implosive /©∫/, however, may freely occur with members of both the plosive and implosive series, as shown in (7.48). (7.48) Bumo Izon velar plosive and labiovelar implosive (Efere 2001) Velar plosive /g/ Labiovelar implosive /©∫/ 318 With same igo¤do¤ ‘padlock’ ©∫a@∫u ‘crack (of a stick breaking)’ With different Îu@gç@ ‘to pursue’ ©∫o@da©∫o@da ‘rain (hard)’ ∫u@gi@ ‘to wring (hand)’ Why are /g/ and /©∫/exempt from harmony? Consider the inventory of oral stops in this language, shown in (7.49). (7.49) Bumo Izon oral stops (Mackenzie 2005: 174, based on Efere 2001) plosive labial alveolar velar labiovelar voiceless p t k kp voiced b d g implosive ∫ Î ©∫ Intuitively, the labial and alveolar voiced plosive stops each have an implosive ‘partner’, whereas the velar and labio-velar voiced stops have no counterparts.
Building on Hansson’s (2001) observation that contrast seems to play an important role in accounting for these facts, Mackenzie (2005, forthcoming) presents an analysis in terms of the contrastive hierarchy. Assuming that the relevant laryngeal feature is [glottalic], Mackenzie (2005) proposes that the contrastive hierarchy for Bumo Izon is: place features > [voiced] > [glottalic]. That is, the consonants are first distinguished by place, in terms of the place categories shown in (7.49). Within each place, they are then distinguished by [voiced]. 26 Now [glottalic] is needed only to distinguish the labials and alveolars. The contrastive features assigned to the voiced stops are shown in (7.50). The phonemes that participate in implosive harmony are exactly the ones that are contrastively specified for the harmonizing feature, [glottalic]. (7.50) Bumo Izon voiced stops: contrastive features (Mackenzie 2005) b ∫ d ∂Î g ©∫ place lab lab alv alv vel lab-vel voiced + + + + + + glottalic – + – + 7.7. Loanword adaptation as evidence of phonological organization Loan phonology has been viewed as a source of evidence bearing on the nature of the grammar of the borrowing language at least since Jakobson (1962 [1931]), 26 Note that this hierarchy differs from what is suggested by the table in (7.49), where [voiced] appears to take narrower scope than [glottalic]. Such an ordering would assign contrastive [glottalic] features to the labio-velar stops, wrongly predicting that they participate in harmony. 319
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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Page 286 and 287: phonological analysis. This should
Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 292 and 293: dialects with similar-looking inven
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Page 296 and 297: (7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
Page 298 and 299: 7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
Page 300 and 301: (7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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Page 306 and 307: 296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
Page 308 and 309: (7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
Page 310 and 311: (7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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Page 316 and 317: (7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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Page 320 and 321: (7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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Page 338 and 339: While the contrastive hierarchy has
Page 340 and 341: fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
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Page 344 and 345: figure in the phonology. I conclude
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Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
Page 350 and 351: 340
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Page 354 and 355: theory is indirectly sensitive to t
Page 356 and 357: Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
Page 358 and 359: 8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
Page 360 and 361: evaluation of phonetic distance app
Page 362 and 363: specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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Page 366 and 367: primarily signalled by the second v
Page 368 and 369: fronting. To implement this idea fo
Page 370 and 371: allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
Page 372 and 373: In the analysis sketched above what
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
Page 426 and 427:
Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
Page 452 and 453:
Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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