The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates with /A/ Underlying Surface Gloss a. /nQ/-mQq/ nQ/mQX ‘my paternal uncle’ b. /nQ/-tçt/ nA/tçt ‘my father’ c. /mQq-Q// mQqQ/ ‘uncle VOC’ d. /tçt-Q// tç:tA/ ‘father VOC’ e. /cQqQt/ cQ:qQt ’raspberry’ f. /cQqQt-Ayn/ cAqA:tAyn ’for a raspberry’ (7.27) ATR harmony: /u/ alternates with /ç/ Underlying Surface Gloss a. /tQwQ:-pu:/ tQwQ:pu: ‘the people of Orofino, Idaho’ b. /sç:yA:-pu:/ sç:yA:pç: ‘the white people’ c. /tu/uynu/ tu/uynu ’tail’ d. /tu/uynu-/Ayn/ tç/çynç/Ayn ‘for the tail, crupper’ As illustrated in (7.28), the vowel /i/ sometimes patterns with [–ATR] vowels (7.28a, b), and other times with [+ATR] vowels (7.28c, d), though it is phonetically [+ATR]. (7.28) Dual patterning of /i/ Underlying Surface Gloss a. /nQ/-ci:c/ nA/ci:c ‘my paternal aunt’ b. / ci:c-Q// ci:cA/ ‘paternal aunt VOC’ c. /nQ/-i:c/ nQ/i:c ‘my mother’ d. //i:c-Q// /i:cQ/ ‘mother VOC’ 300
Following Jacobsen (1968), Rigsby and Silverstein (1969), Zwicky (1971), and Hall and Hall (1980), Mackenzie (2002) assumes that surface [i] represents a merger of /i/ and a [–ATR] vowel that can be represented as /E/. In (7.28a, b) the underlying stem vowel is [–ATR] /E/ and in (7.28c, d) it is [+ATR] /i/. 21 Thus, every vowel has a counterpart that contrasts with it in the feature [ATR]. (7.29) Nez Perce underlying vowels i [+ATR] u E [–ATR] ç [+ATR] [–ATR] Q A By any definition, [ATR] would appear to be a contrastive feature in the underlying vowel system of Nez Perce. What are the other contrastive features? Abstracting away from [ATR], we have a classic three-vowel system, which we can designate /I, A, U/. In such systems it is usual to have a height feature, either [low] or [high], and a place feature, either [back] or [round]. 22 [low] is a better choice than [high] because the surface non-low [ATR] pairs are not strictly [+high], whereas the low pair are both [+low]. Following Jakobson and Halle’s (1956) assumption that a contrast between high and low sonority is, preferably, 21 In its dual behaviour, Nez Perce /i/ is quite different from Classical Manchu /i/. It is more like Classical Manchu /u/, which represents the surface merger of two underlying vowels when not following a velar or uvular consonant. 22 The feature names are chosen to facilitate comparison with Bakovic@’s analysis. 301
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
Page 260 and 261: In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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Page 264 and 265: (6.17) Full specification of all fe
Page 266 and 267: (6.21) Underspecification by means
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Page 274 and 275: value: the fact that all the alloph
Page 276 and 277: 7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
Page 278 and 279: (7.2) Contrastive features for dial
Page 280 and 281: analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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Page 284 and 285: feature [high], the contrastively [
Page 286 and 287: phonological analysis. This should
Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 296 and 297: (7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
Page 298 and 299: 7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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Page 306 and 307: 296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
Page 308 and 309: (7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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Page 316 and 317: (7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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Page 328 and 329: (7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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Page 344 and 345: figure in the phonology. I conclude
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Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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Page 354 and 355: theory is indirectly sensitive to t
Page 356 and 357: Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
Page 358 and 359: 8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
Page 426 and 427:
Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
Page 440 and 441:
Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
Page 452 and 453:
Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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