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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g their earlier attention to the question of the efficiency of the<br />

cod<strong>in</strong>g obta<strong>in</strong>ed by their procedure, Cherry, Halle and Jakobson ask if it is<br />

possible to remove all or many of the zero signs <strong>in</strong> their table by reorder<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

features. <strong>The</strong>y observe that no simple reorder<strong>in</strong>g will permit them to remove all<br />

the zeros or push them to the end of each phoneme column. <strong>The</strong>y go on to<br />

propose that ga<strong>in</strong>s can be achieved if one gives up a fixed feature order, and<br />

allows the order of the features to vary <strong>in</strong> different branches of the decision tree.<br />

In their focus on the problem of zero specifications, Cherry, Halle and Jakobson<br />

(1953) foreshadow what was soon to become a major concern <strong>in</strong> early generative<br />

<strong>phonology</strong>.<br />

4.5. Inconsistent approaches to <strong>contrastive</strong> specification<br />

Though the <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>hierarchy</strong> was well-established <strong>in</strong> the work of Jakobson<br />

and his colleagues from the late 1940s on, it was not always strictly employed <strong>in</strong><br />

work<strong>in</strong>g out phoneme specifications. While many publications <strong>in</strong>corporate it,<br />

some others do not, for reasons that are not made explicit. One can speculate that<br />

the authors were somehow not satisfied with the results of feature order<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong><br />

particular cases. It is possible that they wanted to specify certa<strong>in</strong> phonemes <strong>in</strong><br />

ways not permitted by strict feature order<strong>in</strong>g. Another possibility is that they<br />

were unable to arrive at a universal feature <strong>hierarchy</strong> that gave satisfactory<br />

results for every language they studied.<br />

In this section I will briefly review some case studies where Jakobson and<br />

his collaborators deviate from feature order<strong>in</strong>g. <strong>The</strong> existence of these analyses<br />

127

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