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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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and contradicts the <strong>in</strong>tuition, shared by every analysis of this language, that<br />

Yowlumne vowels are divided on the basis of round<strong>in</strong>g, not backness. 17<br />

(8.40) Yowlumne <strong>contrastive</strong> specifications by (8.36)<br />

i u a ç<br />

low – – + +<br />

back – +<br />

round – +<br />

8.6.3. Systematic and accidental gaps<br />

In Calabrese’s approach, designation of a feature as non<strong>contrastive</strong> depends on<br />

the markedness statements. Calabrese (2005: 443–449) argues that this<br />

dependence allows for an account of the famous problem <strong>in</strong> Russian voic<strong>in</strong>g<br />

assimilation, whereby the obstruents /x, ts, tS/ pattern with the other<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong>ly voiceless obstruents, though they have no voiced (m<strong>in</strong>imal)<br />

counterparts. Calabrese (2005: 445–446) observes that this would be a problem if<br />

contrast were based only on ‘the structural arrangement of the system’ (that is, <strong>in</strong><br />

terms of m<strong>in</strong>imal pairs), because these segments should be designated as<br />

non<strong>contrastive</strong> for voic<strong>in</strong>g, though they pattern at though they are <strong>contrastive</strong>ly<br />

[–voiced].<br />

However, Calabrese argues that his procedure for assign<strong>in</strong>g<br />

non<strong>contrastive</strong> features will not designate these phonemes as non<strong>contrastive</strong>.<br />

17 Calabrese could still capture round<strong>in</strong>g harmony, but he would have to characterize it as<br />

target<strong>in</strong>g all features, not just <strong>contrastive</strong> features.<br />

396

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