The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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ordered before one based on place (but see Ghini 2001b for a different view), let us order [low] as the first feature. For the second feature, either [round] or [back] are possible; for concreteness, we will pick [round]. This contrast is relevant only among the non-low vowels. 23 Because of the symmetry of the system, it does not matter very much where [ATR] is ordered. For concreteness, we will assume it is ordered third. We thus arrive at the contrastive hierarchy illustrated in (7.30). (7.30) Nez Perce: [low] > [round] > [ATR] (Mackenzie 2002) qp [+low] [–low] ty ei [+ATR] [–ATR] [–rnd] [+rnd] g g ty ty Q A [+ATR] [–ATR] [+ATR] [–ATR] g g g g i E u ç 7.4.4.2. The analysis of Bakovic@ 2000 An OT analysis of the Nez Perce vowel system is given by Bakovic@ (2000). His analysis has some properties in common with Mackenzie’s, namely, a hierarchy of featural faithfulness constraints, and constraints to exclude certain combinations of features. However, he arrives at quite different results. Bakovic@ arrives at the ranking shown in (7.31). He proposes that these faithfulness 23 If one knew nothing about the phonological patterning of Nez Perce and looked only at the underlying vowel system as pictured in (7.29), one might think it could be analyzed the way Jakobson (1962 [1931]) analyzed Standard Slovak (see §1.1), as three pairs of vowels arrayed into three height classes where each pair is distinguished on the front/back dimension. Such an analysis for Nez Perce totally fails as a basis for capturing the facts of vowel harmony. 302
constraints and co-occurrence restrictions are sufficient to exclude nonexistent vowels and to ensure that vowels present in the inventory will surface faithfully. (7.32). (7.31) Constraint ranking for Nez Perce (Bakovic@ 2000) *[+back, +ATR] & IO-ID [ATR], IO-ID [low], *[–back, –ATR] >> IO-ID [bk] >> *[–high, +ATR], *[+high, –ATR] >> IO-ID [high] >> *[+back, +ATR] >> *[–low, –ATR] >> IO-ID [ATR] Looking only at the faithfulness constraints, we find the hierarchy in (7.32) Ranking of faithfulness constraints (Bakovic@ 2000) IO-ID [low] >> IO-ID [back] >> IO-ID [high] >> IO-ID [ATR] This constraint hierarchy translates into an ill-formed contrastive hierarchy (7.33). Features written under the phonemes are redundant. (7.33) Contrastive hierarchy based on (7.32) qp [+low] [–low] ty ei [–back] [+back] [–back] [+back] g g ty ty Q A [–high] [+high] [–high] [+high] g g g g g g [+ATR] [–ATR] i E u ç g g g g [+ATR] [–ATR] [+ATR] [–ATR] The feature [ATR] is phonologically redundant in this hierarchy, though it is the active feature in vowel harmony. It is redundant in the [–low] vowels because of the presence of [high], which does not appear in the contrastive 303
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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Page 264 and 265: (6.17) Full specification of all fe
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Page 274 and 275: value: the fact that all the alloph
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Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 344 and 345: figure in the phonology. I conclude
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Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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Page 354 and 355: theory is indirectly sensitive to t
Page 356 and 357: Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
Page 358 and 359: 8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
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Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
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Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
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Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
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Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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