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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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shortcom<strong>in</strong>gs brought about, <strong>in</strong> part, by its rejection of the Contrastivist<br />

Hypothesis. I will look at three subtheories that arose with generative<br />

<strong>phonology</strong>: markedness (§5.2), underspecification (§5.3), and feature geometry<br />

(§5.4). I will concentrate on ways <strong>in</strong> which they are similar to, and differ from,<br />

the <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>hierarchy</strong>.<br />

5.2. Markedness<br />

5.2.1. Chapter 9 of SPE<br />

Chapter 9 of SPE opens with a dramatic statement (Chomsky and Halle 1968:<br />

400): ‘<strong>The</strong> entire discussion of <strong>phonology</strong> <strong>in</strong> this book suffers from a fundamental<br />

theoretical <strong>in</strong>adequacy.’ This <strong>in</strong>adequacy consists of SPE’s ‘overly formal’<br />

approach to features, which does not take <strong>in</strong>to account their <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic content. If<br />

all segments are fully specified <strong>in</strong> terms of the same features, and the evaluation<br />

measure counts only the number of symbols, then there is no basis for evaluat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

any segment as be<strong>in</strong>g more or less costly, or complex, than any other. As a result,<br />

the SPE theory as presented <strong>in</strong> the previous eight chapters cannot account for<br />

why certa<strong>in</strong> segments are more common than others, or why certa<strong>in</strong> segmental<br />

<strong>in</strong>ventories are common and others are not.<br />

In addition, Chomsky and Halle observe that the problem is not limited to<br />

<strong>in</strong>ventories, but has implications for the function<strong>in</strong>g of phonological rules. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

present a number of examples, some of which are reproduced <strong>in</strong> (5.1), of pairs of<br />

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