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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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1. First, divide the <strong>in</strong>ventory by the feature [obstruent], which<br />

dist<strong>in</strong>guishes between obstruents (above the l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> (3.4)) and sonorants (below<br />

the l<strong>in</strong>e). S<strong>in</strong>ce r is a sonorant, this feature dist<strong>in</strong>guishes it from all obstruents,<br />

which no longer need be considered with respect to uniquely characteriz<strong>in</strong>g r.<br />

2. Among the sonorants the feature [nasal] dist<strong>in</strong>guishes the nasal<br />

consonants (<strong>in</strong> the box) from the non-nasal sonorants, leav<strong>in</strong>g r <strong>in</strong> contrast only<br />

with l.<br />

3. <strong>The</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al feature, [lateral], dist<strong>in</strong>guishes between l (circled) and r, and<br />

leaves them both with a unique set of features.<br />

<strong>The</strong> above procedure meets the requirement that the phonemic content of<br />

a phoneme, that is, the set of its dist<strong>in</strong>ctive (<strong>contrastive</strong>) properties, follows from<br />

its position <strong>in</strong> the system of dist<strong>in</strong>ctive oppositions. Moreover, <strong>in</strong> this procedure,<br />

‘the system of dist<strong>in</strong>ctive oppositions shows a def<strong>in</strong>ite order or structure.’ <strong>The</strong><br />

order <strong>in</strong> question is the order of the features, which gives structure to the<br />

<strong>in</strong>ventory.<br />

It follows that feature order<strong>in</strong>g gives us a way to reconstruct what<br />

Trubetzkoy may have meant by the statements cited above. However, it is not<br />

possible to state def<strong>in</strong>itively that this is <strong>in</strong>deed what he <strong>in</strong>tended, for he does not<br />

give any explicit procedure for how he arrived at his analysis of German r.<br />

Moreover, some of the other examples he discusses do not appear to work the<br />

same way, and other statements are <strong>in</strong>consistent with feature order<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

In the follow<strong>in</strong>g sections I will first give some examples consistent with<br />

the assumption that Trubetzkoy determ<strong>in</strong>ed contrasts by means of pairwise<br />

72

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