The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors that of Halle (1959) in some respects while retaining something of the older distinction between the morphophonemic and phonemic components. As in Halle’s account, unpaired obstruents are unspecified in the lexicon for [voiced] because they are predictably voiceless, but are allowed to take on the value [–voiced] in time to participate in RVA. With the structuralists, however, Kiparsky proposes that their voiced allophones are prohibited from the lexical phonology, but are derived by a postlexical application of RVA. The question remains, however, as to what principle explains the difference in the marking conditions in (5.18). It does not follow from predictability, because it is equally predictable that sonorants are voiced and that unpaired obstruents are voiceless. Therefore, something beyond predictability must be involved. A contrastive feature hierarchy provides a rationale: if the Russian feature hierarchy has [sonorant] ordered ahead of [voiced], and [voiced] is ordered ahead of the features that isolate the phonemes /ts, tS, x/ from the other coronals, then the two groups of consonants can be seen to stand in a very different relation to the feature [voiced], as shown in (5.19). 188
(5.19) Russian consonants: partial feature hierarchy consonants qp [–sonorant] [+sonorant] ru /m, nJ, lJ, r.../ [coronal] qp [–voiced] [+voiced] ru ru /tJ, t, sJ, ts, tS…/ /dJ, d, zJ, Z…/ The partial feature hierarchy in (5.19) shows that sonorants have no contrastive specification for [voiced]; the unpaired obstruents, however, are contrastively specified [–voiced], just like every other voiceless obstruent. These different scope relations provide a principled basis for distinguishing between the sonorants and unpaired obstruents. 10 Kiparsky (1985: 135n3) comes close to relating the acquisition of marking conditions to a feature hierarchy, commenting that ‘universal grammar will 10 Structure Preservation remains an unclear principle, however, because it is not clear what ‘structures’ must be preserved. Given a contrastive hierarchy as in (5.19), one could interpret Structure Preservation to require that no combination of features may be formed that do not correspond to an underlying segment. On this interpretation, [+voiced] may not be assigned to /ts/ because there is no underlying /dz/. Structure Preservation can be interpreted more liberally, however, as prohibiting the assignment of a noncontrastive feature to a segment. Thus, no value of [voiced] may be assigned to a sonorant, but /ts/ would be able to receive [+voiced]. See further §8.3 and the discussion of systematic and accidental gaps in §8.6.3. 189
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
Page 148 and 149: acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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Page 152 and 153: tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
Page 154 and 155: the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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Page 158 and 159: Phonological theory, however, did n
Page 160 and 161: . Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
Page 162 and 163: Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
Page 164 and 165: edundant features. This argument wo
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Page 170 and 171: c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
Page 172 and 173: arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
Page 174 and 175: ules to which a purely formal evalu
Page 176 and 177: nevertheless interact with the phon
Page 178 and 179: the rule replacing [m F] as the com
Page 180 and 181: (5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
Page 182 and 183: emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
Page 184 and 185: d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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Page 188 and 189: distinguish between contrastive and
Page 190 and 191: manipulates only +/- values, not m/
Page 192 and 193: Linking crucially depends on the fe
Page 194 and 195: of underspecification theory and le
Page 196 and 197: marked on sonorants in the lexicon
Page 200 and 201: constrain this process by a hierarc
Page 202 and 203: RU does not fully adopt the Contras
Page 204 and 205: minimality. This leaves us with the
Page 206 and 207: Similar results can be shown to be
Page 208 and 209: for example, the underlying vowel s
Page 210 and 211: 5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
Page 212 and 213: (5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
Page 214 and 215: all logical redundancies, nor does
Page 216 and 217: Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
Page 218 and 219: .Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
Page 220 and 221: 5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
Page 222 and 223: A fourth difference is that the var
Page 224 and 225: Intuitively, the two segments diffe
Page 226 and 227: epresentations beyond the needs of
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Page 230 and 231: 6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
Page 232 and 233: convert the coda into an onset, and
Page 234 and 235: eing equal, this implies that a son
Page 236 and 237: 6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
Page 238 and 239: 6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
Page 240 and 241: 6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
Page 242 and 243: (6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
Page 244 and 245: (6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
Page 246 and 247: epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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(7.2) Contrastive features for dial
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analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
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feature [high], the contrastively [
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phonological analysis. This should
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7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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elations among features. This is no
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dialects with similar-looking inven
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this burden exists independently of
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(7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
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7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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(7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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no surprise, therefore, to see this
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[coronal] is contributed by /i/, bu
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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
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(7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
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(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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O/, but its scope is limited to the
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one step further, arguing that the
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spreading [high] to a mid vowel uns
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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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and, in the framework of generative
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French contrastive feature hierarch
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(7.54) NZ Ma#ori adaptation of Engl
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obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
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While the contrastive hierarchy has
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fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
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their perceptual system to the cont
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figure in the phonology. I conclude
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the postlexical or phonetic compone
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However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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340
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342
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theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
Page 416 and 417:
406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
Page 426 and 427:
Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
Page 428 and 429:
Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
Page 440 and 441:
Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
Page 452 and 453:
Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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