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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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phonemes do not have a <strong>contrastive</strong> voic<strong>in</strong>g feature is not necessarily correct. I<br />

will argue, <strong>in</strong> fact, that the evidence suggests that it is not correct <strong>in</strong> the case of<br />

Russian.<br />

<strong>The</strong> general antipathy to contrast <strong>in</strong> generative <strong>phonology</strong> is exemplified<br />

also by Anderson’s Phonology <strong>in</strong> the twentieth century (Anderson 1985), still the<br />

standard history of the field. <strong>The</strong> theme of this work is summed up <strong>in</strong> the<br />

subtitle, <strong>The</strong>ories of rules and theories of representations. <strong>The</strong> history of <strong>phonology</strong>,<br />

<strong>in</strong> this <strong>in</strong>fluential view, is about the tension between rules and representations. In<br />

Anderson’s analysis, the early emphasis on contrast had, if anyth<strong>in</strong>g, negative<br />

consequences for phonological theory.<br />

Nevertheless, I will argue throughout that contrast is too central to be kept<br />

out of phonological theory for long, and I will show that it gradually leaked back<br />

<strong>in</strong>to generative <strong>phonology</strong> <strong>in</strong> various forms. It is one of the aims of this work to<br />

reconnect <strong>phonology</strong> with its roots <strong>in</strong> this respect and to establish phonological<br />

contrast as a central pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of phonological theory.<br />

1.3. Plan of the book<br />

In chapter 2 I will look at contrast from a logical po<strong>in</strong>t of view. I will show that<br />

phonologists have followed two different and <strong>in</strong>compatible approaches <strong>in</strong><br />

arriv<strong>in</strong>g at what the <strong>contrastive</strong> features <strong>in</strong> <strong>phonology</strong> are <strong>in</strong> any given case. One<br />

method f<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>contrastive</strong> features based on m<strong>in</strong>imal differences between fully-<br />

specified phonemes; the second assigns <strong>contrastive</strong> features based on an<br />

order<strong>in</strong>g of features <strong>in</strong>to a <strong>hierarchy</strong>. I will argue on logical grounds that the<br />

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