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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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7. Evidence for the Contrastive Hierarchy <strong>in</strong> Phonology<br />

7.1. Introduction<br />

In §3.7 I sketched the outl<strong>in</strong>es of a theory of <strong>phonology</strong> that was distilled from<br />

the lead<strong>in</strong>g ideas discussed <strong>in</strong> Chapter 3. This theory adopts the Contrastivist<br />

Hypothesis, which holds that <strong>phonology</strong> computes only <strong>contrastive</strong> features. It<br />

determ<strong>in</strong>es what the <strong>contrastive</strong> features <strong>in</strong> a language are by apply<strong>in</strong>g the SDA<br />

to a <strong>contrastive</strong> feature <strong>hierarchy</strong> for that language. In keep<strong>in</strong>g with the<br />

Contrastivist Hypothesis, phonological activity serves as the chief heuristic for<br />

determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g what the feature <strong>hierarchy</strong> is for a given language.<br />

Though the <strong>in</strong>gredients for such a theory were <strong>in</strong> place by the 1930s,<br />

phonological theory did not develop <strong>in</strong> this direction; why it did not was the<br />

subject of chapters 4–6. <strong>The</strong>se chapters show that the theory of §3.7 has never<br />

properly been put to the test. In this chapter I argue that these ideas rema<strong>in</strong><br />

viable and <strong>in</strong>dispensable to an explanatory theory of <strong>phonology</strong>.<br />

Of course, any contemporary effort to implement such a theory must take<br />

account of advances <strong>in</strong> <strong>phonology</strong> s<strong>in</strong>ce the 1930s. For example, the diagnostic<br />

given <strong>in</strong> (3.38d), that a <strong>contrastive</strong> feature must be present <strong>in</strong> all the allophones of<br />

a phoneme, is not consistent with the generative phonological conception that<br />

<strong>phonology</strong> is relatively abstract with respect to phonetics. In keep<strong>in</strong>g with<br />

Chomsky and Halle’s arguments aga<strong>in</strong>st taxonomic phonemics, it is unlikely that<br />

we can put limits on the degree to which a segment may be modified <strong>in</strong> the<br />

course of a derivation. But the pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong> (3.38d) may still have some heuristic<br />

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