The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

(6.22) Radical Underspecification for Classical Manchu
Vowel /i/ /´/ /a/ /ç/ /u/ /U/
[low] + + +
[labial] + + +
[ATR] + + +
This type of underspecification is easily modelled in OT by positing a set
of constraints of the form MAX [m F], where [m F] is the marked value of F. 13
These constraints can be ordered in a single stratum above *[F]. A sample tableau
is shown in (6.23).
[PUT (6.23) ABOUT HERE]
We have seen, then, that OT is capable of simulating the effects of any
theory of specification or underspecification. This is to be expected, since OT is
primarily a theory of constraint interaction, not a theory of specification. If we
are to have a theory of specification, OT must be constrained so as to produce the
desired representations and exclude the others. To the extent that phonologies
adhere to contrastive specifications of the sort that can be produced by the SDA,
OT must be constrained, for example along the lines of (6.15).
More fundamentally, such constraints on the theory are required if OT is
to instantiate some version of the Contrastivist Hypothesis. The reason for
13 It is not so straightforward to model the derivational aspect of RU — the fact that feature values
can be inserted in the course of a derivation. Also, we continue to restrict inputs to fully specified,
or overspecified, forms.
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