The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [labial] qp [low] non-low wo wo [coronal] non-coronal [coronal] non-coronal ru ru ru ru non-lab [labial] non-lab [labial] non-lab [labial] non-lab [labial] g g g g g g g g /E/ /ø/ /a/ /ç/ /i/ /y/ /´/ /U/ 7.4.3. Typological surveys of labial harmony Typological surveys of labial harmony in Manchu-Tungus, Mongolian, and Turkic languages support the hypothesis that only contrastive features trigger harmony. Zhang (1996: Chapter 6) surveys a number of Manchu and Tungusic languages in China and Russia. We have seen that labial harmony in Classical Manchu is limited to the low vowels. On this account, only the low vowel /ç/ is contrastively [labial] in this inventory. The same holds for most Manchu-Tungus languages, which have similar vowel inventories. A Tungusic example is Oroqen (Zhang 1996), whose inventory is given in (7.22); again, only low vowels are triggers and targets of harmony. (7.22) Oroqen vowel system (Zhang 1996) [coronal] i ii u uu U UU e ´ ´´ o oo [low] E a aa ç çç [labial]
Eastern Mongolian languages have a similar type of labial harmony triggered by and affecting low vowels. An example is Khalkha Mongolian (Svantesson 1985, Kaun 1995), shown in (7.23). 19 Assuming a similar contrastive hierarchy as for Manchu-Tungus, again [labial] is contrastive only in the low vowels. (7.23) Khalkha Mongolian vowel system (Svantesson 1985, Kaun 1995) [coronal] i u ´ o [low] U a ç [labial] Turkic languages tend to have symmetrical vowel inventories. They are typically analyzed with three features: one height feature and two place features. A typical example is Turkish, shown in (7.24). Assuming three features, [high], [coronal], and [labial] (or their equivalents), the Turkish vowels exhaust the space of possible values. Therefore, all feature values are contrastive; in particular, [labial] is necessarily contrastive in all vowels that are rounded on the surface. 19 See Dresher and Zhang (2005) for further discussion of the phonemic values of the Khalkha Mongolian vowels. 297
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
Page 256 and 257: 6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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Page 260 and 261: In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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Page 264 and 265: (6.17) Full specification of all fe
Page 266 and 267: (6.21) Underspecification by means
Page 268 and 269: (6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
Page 270 and 271: (6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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Page 274 and 275: value: the fact that all the alloph
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Page 280 and 281: analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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Page 286 and 287: phonological analysis. This should
Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 296 and 297: (7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
Page 298 and 299: 7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
Page 300 and 301: (7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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Page 308 and 309: (7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
Page 310 and 311: (7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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Page 316 and 317: (7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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Page 344 and 345: figure in the phonology. I conclude
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Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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Page 354 and 355: theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
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Association, 82-93. Département de
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Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
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Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
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Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
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Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
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Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
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Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
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Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
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Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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