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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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short back (or central) low vowel is less retracted than its long counterpart. 18<br />

Further, the non-low vowels contrast <strong>in</strong> roundness as well as <strong>in</strong> backness. Nor is<br />

it clear at the phonetic level that the number of front-back contrasts should be<br />

limited to two categories: represent<strong>in</strong>g the vowel [a] as [central] rather than<br />

[back] appears to be closer to phonetic reality.<br />

Thus, the phonemic analysis <strong>in</strong> (8.44a) cannot be read off the surface<br />

phonetics, nor is the surface the appropriate level at which to seek these<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong> dimensions. Rather, the analysis <strong>in</strong> (8.44a) reflects a <strong>contrastive</strong><br />

<strong>hierarchy</strong> <strong>in</strong> which [low], [back], and [high] are ordered ahead of [long], which<br />

is ordered ahead of all other features, which are non<strong>contrastive</strong>, as shown <strong>in</strong><br />

(8.45). 19<br />

(8.45) Lithuanian <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>hierarchy</strong>: [low], [back], [high] > [long]<br />

qp<br />

[–back] [+back]<br />

wo qp<br />

[–low] [+low] [–low] [+low]<br />

ei ty wo ty<br />

[+high] [–high] [–lng] [+lng] [+high] [–high] [–lng] [+lng]<br />

ty g ty ty<br />

[–lng] [+lng] /e˘/ [–lng] [+lng] [–lng] [+lng]<br />

g g g g g g<br />

/i/ /i˘/ /Q/ /Q˘/ /u/ /u˘/ (/o/) /o˘/ /A/ /A˘/<br />

18 It is quite common for vowel length (quantity) contrasts to become obscured and ultimately<br />

reanalyzed as quality contrasts; see Kabak 2004 on Turkic and Korean, and Rohany Rahbar 2008<br />

on Persian.<br />

19 S<strong>in</strong>ce the unpaired vowel /e:/ functions as a long vowel, it is necessary to stipulate that<br />

Lithuanian vowels with no <strong>contrastive</strong> value for length are [+long] by default.<br />

402

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