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In (6.31), these constraints are added at the bottom of the constraint hierarchy. As observed in the previous note, different rankings of the markedness constraints yield somewhat different results. 6.8. Summary In this chapter I have argued that OT is not itself a theory of contrast in competition with the Contrastivist Hypothesis or the contrastive hierarchy. Rather, OT can incorporate various theories of contrast. Though it is true that some approach to contrast will inevitably ‘emerge’ from any OT constraint hierarchy, the empirical question is what theories of contrast are allowed to occur in phonology. If, for example, the Contrastivist Hypothesis as implemented by the SDA operating on a contrastive feature hierarchy is the correct theory, then OT should be constrained to implement that theory. I have shown how OT with different strata (serial, or derivational OT) can incorporate the contrastive hierarchy by modelling the SDA. In OT with multiple strata, the constraints corresponding to the SDA can be segregated from the rest of the phonology; the output of these constraints create well-formed contrastive specifications that serve as the input to the phonology proper. Whether the Contrastivist Hypothesis can be incorporated into a monostratal version of OT is a more difficult question. Such a grammar does not make available a level at which only contrastive feature specifications are visible, and constraints implementing the SDA cannot be kept separate from the other constraints. Moreover, there are problems with requiring that phonemes be 250
underspecified in various ways. I cannot pursue these issues here, but they are considered in some detail by Hall (2007: Chapter 5). Hall concludes that there are real difficulties in incorporating the Contrastivist Hypothesis into a standard monostratal OT. We will return to some of the issues discussed here in the following chapter, where I take up a series of case studies that provide evidence for the contrastive hierarchy and the Contrastivist Hypothesis. 251
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
Page 210 and 211: 5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
Page 212 and 213: (5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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Page 216 and 217: Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
Page 218 and 219: .Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
Page 220 and 221: 5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
Page 222 and 223: A fourth difference is that the var
Page 224 and 225: Intuitively, the two segments diffe
Page 226 and 227: epresentations beyond the needs of
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Page 230 and 231: 6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
Page 232 and 233: convert the coda into an onset, and
Page 234 and 235: eing equal, this implies that a son
Page 236 and 237: 6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
Page 238 and 239: 6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
Page 240 and 241: 6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
Page 242 and 243: (6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
Page 244 and 245: (6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
Page 246 and 247: epresentation because it, too, viol
Page 248 and 249: We can mimic the effect of the Pair
Page 250 and 251: limiting specifications to those th
Page 252 and 253: and the rest of the features are re
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Page 256 and 257: 6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
Page 258 and 259: (6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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Page 264 and 265: (6.17) Full specification of all fe
Page 266 and 267: (6.21) Underspecification by means
Page 268 and 269: (6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
Page 270 and 271: (6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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Page 274 and 275: value: the fact that all the alloph
Page 276 and 277: 7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
Page 278 and 279: (7.2) Contrastive features for dial
Page 280 and 281: analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
Page 282 and 283: universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
Page 284 and 285: feature [high], the contrastively [
Page 286 and 287: phonological analysis. This should
Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 292 and 293: dialects with similar-looking inven
Page 294 and 295: this burden exists independently of
Page 296 and 297: (7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
Page 298 and 299: 7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
Page 300 and 301: (7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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Page 306 and 307: 296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
Page 308 and 309: (7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
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(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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O/, but its scope is limited to the
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one step further, arguing that the
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spreading [high] to a mid vowel uns
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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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and, in the framework of generative
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French contrastive feature hierarch
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(7.54) NZ Ma#ori adaptation of Engl
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obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
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While the contrastive hierarchy has
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fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
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their perceptual system to the cont
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figure in the phonology. I conclude
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the postlexical or phonetic compone
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However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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340
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342
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theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
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Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
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Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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