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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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the dichotomous scale is a pr<strong>in</strong>ciple imposed by the analyst or <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the<br />

structure of language, they adduce ‘several weighty arguments’ <strong>in</strong> support of<br />

this hierarchical approach to feature specification. First, they claim (1956: 47) that<br />

such a system is an ‘optimal code’ for speech participants who have to encode<br />

and decode messages; I will discuss this claim further <strong>in</strong> §4.4.<br />

<strong>The</strong>ir second argument <strong>in</strong>volves language acquisition (cf. Jakobson 1941).<br />

<strong>The</strong>y suggest that dist<strong>in</strong>ctive features are necessarily b<strong>in</strong>ary because of the way<br />

they are acquired, through a series of ‘b<strong>in</strong>ary fissions’. <strong>The</strong>y propose (1956: 41)<br />

that the order of these <strong>contrastive</strong> splits is partially fixed, thereby allow<strong>in</strong>g for<br />

certa<strong>in</strong> developmental sequences and rul<strong>in</strong>g out others.<br />

<strong>The</strong> sequence <strong>in</strong> (4.2), for example, concerns oral resonance (primary and<br />

secondary place) features. <strong>The</strong> decimals <strong>in</strong>dicate precedence relations: if one<br />

decimal sequence is entirely conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> another sequence, then the contrast<br />

correspond<strong>in</strong>g to the former must precede the acquisition of the latter contrast.<br />

In (4.2), wide (equals compact) vowels are low vowels of high sonority; narrow<br />

(equals diffuse) vowels are high vowels of low sonority; palatal vowels are front ,<br />

and velar vowels are back. Thus, (4.2) predicts that a height contrast between a<br />

low and a high vowel (0.11) must precede the emergence of a contrast between a<br />

front and a back vowel (0.111), s<strong>in</strong>ce 0.11 is conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> 0.111. Further, the latter<br />

contrast should emerge <strong>in</strong> the high vowels (0.111) before it can emerge <strong>in</strong> the low<br />

vowels (0.1111). At this po<strong>in</strong>t also a round<strong>in</strong>g contrast can arise <strong>in</strong> the high<br />

vowels (0.1112), and this must precede the development of a round<strong>in</strong>g contrast<br />

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