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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13) (Jakobson 1962 [1929]: 70, Shevelov 1964: 503). (8.13) Stage 3: /ˆ/ reanalyzed as [+back] allophone of [–back] /i/ 360 Underlying /pJ i/ /p i/ /tSJ i/ /k i/ g g g g g g g [–bk][–bk] [+bk][–bk] [–bk][–bk] [–bk] i-Backing — p i — — gRg [+bk][–bk] Palatalization — — — kJ i Yg [–bk] Phonetic [pJi] [pˆ] [tSJi] [kJi] Once [ˆ] was reanalyzed as a [+back] allophone of [–back] /i/, it required an adjacent [+back] consonant, or some other donor, to give it a [+back] feature; lacking that, underlying /i/ would surface as [i]. Labial and dental consonants had a contrastive [+back] feature to spread, but velars did not. Hence, an original sequence [kˆ], once reanalyzed as deriving from /ki/, would begin to surface as [kJi]. The above analysis requires a contrastive hierarchy for East Slavic along the lines of (8.14), generating the tree in (8.15). 5 5 I disregard here the special status of Russian /v/ with respect to voicing and devoicing assimilation (Hayes 1984, Kiparsky 1985, Padgett 2002, Hall 2007). Hall (2007: 65–66) proposes that Russian has three classes of consonants: sonorants, specified for [Sonorant Voice]; obstruents, specified for [Laryngeal]; and /v/, which has neither specification.
(8.14) Contrastive feature hierarchy for East Slavic obstruents [sonorant] > major place features > [voiced] > [continuant] > [back] > other coronal features (8.15) Contrastive feature tree for East Slavic obstruents a. Labials and velars 361 consonants qp [–sonorant] [+sonorant] qp ru coronal peripheral m mJ n nJ l lJ r rJ g qp see (b) labial velar qp ei [–voiced] [+voiced] [–voiced] [+voiced] ei ei ty g [–cont] [+cont] [–cont] [+cont] [–cont] [+cont] g ty ty ty ty g g [–bk] [+bk] [–bk] [+bk] [–bk] [+bk] [–bk] [+bk] k x g g g g g g g g pJ p fJ f bJ b vJ v b. Coronals coronal qp [–voiced] [+voiced] wo ei [–continuant] [+continuant] [–continuant] [+continuant] ru ru ty ru [–back] [+back] [–back] [+back] [–back] [+back] [–back] [+back] ty ty g ty g g g ty tJ tSJ t ts sJ s S dJ d zJ z Z
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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(7.2) Contrastive features for dial
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analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
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feature [high], the contrastively [
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phonological analysis. This should
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7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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elations among features. This is no
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dialects with similar-looking inven
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this burden exists independently of
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(7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
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7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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(7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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no surprise, therefore, to see this
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[coronal] is contributed by /i/, bu
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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
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(7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
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(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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Page 354 and 355: theory is indirectly sensitive to t
Page 356 and 357: Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
Page 358 and 359: 8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
Page 360 and 361: evaluation of phonetic distance app
Page 362 and 363: specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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Page 368 and 369: fronting. To implement this idea fo
Page 372 and 373: In the analysis sketched above what
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Page 378 and 379: vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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Page 382 and 383: on). Of the possible potential clas
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Page 386 and 387: (Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
Page 388 and 389: (8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
Page 390 and 391: (8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
Page 392 and 393: essentially the same as the one ass
Page 394 and 395: Clements argues that the robustness
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Page 398 and 399: observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
Page 400 and 401: there are vowels that are [+high, -
Page 402 and 403: . Features that make each other log
Page 404 and 405: [round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
Page 406 and 407: and contradicts the intuition, shar
Page 408 and 409: Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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Page 414 and 415: In a hierarchical conception of con
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Page 418 and 419: These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
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Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
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Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
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Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
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Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
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Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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