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Daily Life of the Ancient Greeks

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112 <strong>Daily</strong> <strong>Life</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greeks</strong><br />

hood <strong>of</strong> mankind, were muted in <strong>the</strong>ir opposition. In The Politics,<br />

Aristotle goes so far as to justify slavery as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> order <strong>of</strong> existence,<br />

though he makes a distinction between what he calls slaves<br />

by nature (i.e., those born in captivity) and slaves by law (i.e., those<br />

captured in war). Aristotle proposed this distinction in response to<br />

those who regarded <strong>the</strong> very existence <strong>of</strong> slavery as “contrary to<br />

nature” (1253b–1255b).<br />

Our understanding <strong>of</strong> slavery in <strong>the</strong> Greek world is bedeviled<br />

by both Christianity and Marxism. Each imposes value judgments<br />

upon <strong>the</strong> institution, and <strong>the</strong>se value judgments tend to distort our<br />

investigation <strong>of</strong> its place in ancient society. Christianity deplores<br />

slavery as barbaric and inhumane. Marxist historians identify<br />

slaves with <strong>the</strong> subjected European proletariat <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth<br />

century. Friedrich Engels went so far as to allege that <strong>the</strong> moral<br />

and political collapse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ancient world was chiefly caused by<br />

slavery. Nei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Christian nor <strong>the</strong> Marxist viewpoint does full<br />

justice to <strong>the</strong> realities <strong>of</strong> life in <strong>the</strong> ancient world, however. Abhorrent<br />

and vicious though <strong>the</strong> institution <strong>of</strong> slavery was in so many<br />

respects, it none<strong>the</strong>less provided some measure <strong>of</strong> economic security<br />

in an o<strong>the</strong>rwise dangerous and unpredictable world. It would,<br />

however, be quite wrong to give <strong>the</strong> impression that slavery was a<br />

benign institution. The fact that “more than 20,000 slaves deserted,<br />

most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m skilled laborers” (Thukydides 7.27.5) when <strong>the</strong> Peloponnesians<br />

established a permanent base at Dekeleia in Attica in<br />

413 b.c.e. is testimony to widespread discontent, even if many <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> refugees were mine workers. Nor does it seem to have occurred<br />

to anyone that <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> such a large servile labor force<br />

depressed <strong>the</strong> wages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poor—or, if it did, no one did anything<br />

about it.<br />

With <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> Spartan agriculture and A<strong>the</strong>nian silver<br />

mining, <strong>the</strong>re is little evidence to suggest that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Greeks</strong> depended<br />

on slavery for what Marxists call <strong>the</strong>ir means <strong>of</strong> production. Overall,<br />

<strong>the</strong>refore, it remains questionable whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> achievements <strong>of</strong><br />

Greek civilization were made possible by slavery.<br />

FOREIGNERS AND BARBARIANS<br />

The status <strong>of</strong> being a foreigner, as <strong>the</strong> <strong>Greeks</strong> understood <strong>the</strong><br />

term, does not permit any easy definition. Primarily it signified<br />

such peoples as <strong>the</strong> Persians and Egyptians, whose languages were<br />

unintelligible to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Greeks</strong>, but it could also be used to describe<br />

<strong>Greeks</strong> who spoke in a different dialect and with a different accent.

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