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Daily Life of the Ancient Greeks

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312 <strong>Daily</strong> <strong>Life</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greeks</strong><br />

There are o<strong>the</strong>r errors in <strong>the</strong> passage. The phrase “In this land<br />

<strong>of</strong> ours” refers, <strong>of</strong> course, to modern Greece. But modern Greece<br />

has been a nation-state only since 1833, and it is questionable,<br />

to say <strong>the</strong> least, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> democracy “remained<br />

unchanged throughout <strong>the</strong> centuries.” For most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir history, <strong>the</strong><br />

people whom we call <strong>Greeks</strong> have been denied democracy; that<br />

is, through <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Macedonian Empire (150 years), <strong>the</strong><br />

Roman Empire (500 years), <strong>the</strong> Byzantine Empire (1,100 years),<br />

<strong>the</strong> Ottoman Empire (400 years), <strong>the</strong> Greek monarchy (on and <strong>of</strong>f<br />

about 100 years), <strong>the</strong> fascist dictatorship <strong>of</strong> General Metaxas (1936<br />

to 1941), and <strong>the</strong> rule <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Colonels (1967 to 1974).<br />

For more than a thousand years, in fact, democracy completely<br />

died out, not only in Greece but throughout <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>of</strong> Europe.<br />

The roots <strong>of</strong> modern democratic systems have much more to do<br />

with feudalism and <strong>the</strong> medieval republics that directly preceded<br />

<strong>the</strong>m than <strong>the</strong>y do with fifth-century b.c.e. A<strong>the</strong>ns.<br />

Problems <strong>of</strong> historical fact have not, however, deterred serious<br />

scholars from seeking to establish an unbroken democratic chain<br />

from antiquity to <strong>the</strong> present. In 1993, numerous celebrations were<br />

held in both <strong>the</strong> United States and Britain to mark <strong>the</strong> twentyfive-hundredth<br />

anniversary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called birth <strong>of</strong> democracy—<br />

twenty-five hundred years, that is, since Kleis<strong>the</strong>nes carried out<br />

his reforms. These celebrations begged ano<strong>the</strong>r important question<br />

besides that <strong>of</strong> continuity: whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> origins <strong>of</strong> a process as complex<br />

as democracy can legitimately be pinned down to a single year<br />

and to a single historical personage. Situating <strong>the</strong> birth <strong>of</strong> democracy<br />

in 507 b.c.e. is ignoring <strong>the</strong> fact that a democratic tendency<br />

had been present in A<strong>the</strong>nian society long before Kleis<strong>the</strong>nes came<br />

to power.<br />

OUR SO-CALLED CLASSICAL ROOTS: THE<br />

CONTROVERSY OVER BLACK ATHENA<br />

The study <strong>of</strong> classical antiquity is also in <strong>the</strong> forefront <strong>of</strong> our current<br />

concerns about racism, cultural imperialism, and <strong>the</strong> like. In<br />

1987, Martin Bernal, a pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Chinese political history, wrote<br />

a highly controversial book called Black A<strong>the</strong>na, which investigated<br />

<strong>the</strong> origins <strong>of</strong> Greek culture. Bernal came to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that <strong>the</strong>re<br />

had been a willful conspiracy <strong>of</strong> silence on <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> eighteenthand<br />

nineteenth-century ancient historians, who ignored—or, at<br />

best, minimized—<strong>the</strong> decisive contribution made to Greek culture<br />

by <strong>the</strong> Afroasiatic (notably Egyptian) and Semitic (notably Phoe-

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