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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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140 CHHAYA DATAR<br />

acquired land, through struggle or other mechanisms, including purchase,<br />

and have managed these lands independently. Such cases could show<br />

that access to land is a priority <strong>for</strong> secured livelihood and also point the<br />

direction to bringing about incremental structural change.<br />

The deficiency of micro-credit programmes is that these very rarely<br />

help to create assets <strong>for</strong> the majority of women who are either landless or<br />

possess small plots. The interest rates are too high, the loan amount is<br />

very small and the duration of repayment is very short <strong>for</strong> the woman to<br />

be able to create a surplus from that particular enterprise and repay the<br />

loan. Her repayment comes from other sources of income such as the labour<br />

she and her family per<strong>for</strong>m on the other sites. Nevertheless, rarely does<br />

the asset become viable enough to be self-sustaining, that is, to be able to<br />

pay <strong>for</strong> the labour cost of maintaining the asset. The micro-credit programme<br />

has been successful only when it is properly organised by NGOs<br />

with backward and <strong>for</strong>ward linkages and the mobilisation cost is borne<br />

through some other source of funding.<br />

Through my own experience of interacting on a small scale with Self-<br />

Help Groups (SHGs), I realised that if micro-credit activity were combined<br />

with payment <strong>for</strong> the labour cost of developing an asset (say, a plot of<br />

land <strong>for</strong> fodder, horticulture or biofuel cultivation), then the asset would<br />

be sustained. The loan obtained from the SHG could then be utilised as<br />

investment <strong>for</strong> small equipment, water delivery systems and so on. This<br />

could also have potential <strong>for</strong> structural changes in the access to land and<br />

land rights. I then looked at Maharashtra’s EGS, which had already addressed<br />

some of these ideas. EGS was meant <strong>for</strong> landholders and small<br />

farmers, but its provisions could also apply to women’s groups, SHGs or<br />

an individual woman member of an SHG. In my understanding, an SHG<br />

is only a vehicle <strong>for</strong> bringing women together as their livelihood resources<br />

are shrinking. It cannot be a tool to launch women in the marketplace to<br />

compete with other powerful actors, or to make their living in the competitive<br />

world without any assistance.<br />

This chapter is the outcome of a small study that I undertook in<br />

Osmanabad district of Maharashtra to explore whether the scheme of<br />

horticulture funded through the EGS since 1991 could be utilised in the<br />

manner I had visualised, and whether women SHG members were willing<br />

to undertake the operations under the scheme, becoming entrepreneurs,<br />

that is, horticulturists.

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