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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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<strong>Recasting</strong> <strong>Citizenship</strong> <strong>for</strong> Women’s Livelihood and <strong>Development</strong> 25<br />

envisage the kind of asset ownership that Datar attempted through<br />

Maharashtra’s EGS. Her attempt to mobilise the women of Osmanabad<br />

in drought-prone Marathwada <strong>for</strong> a collective horticulture scheme was<br />

received with scepticism because the poor landless women could not<br />

imagine themselves owning an orchard; in their minds, they were labourers,<br />

not entrepreneurs.<br />

Democratic Governance and Institutional Systems<br />

In the early 1950s, independent India’s nationwide Community <strong>Development</strong><br />

(CD) Programme had attempted to establish a decentralised<br />

administrative system centred around community institutions inspired<br />

both by the Gandhian philosophy of Sarvodaya and various initiatives to<br />

improve agricultural production (Krishna 2001). The aim was to integrate<br />

all aspects of rural life in a holistic process of social and economic<br />

trans<strong>for</strong>mation. The First Five-Year Plan had emphasised the internalisation<br />

of development processes through people’s involvement. By the<br />

mid-1960s, however, the CD structure and functions were taken over by<br />

the bureaucracy and it was more than two decades later that ‘community<br />

participation’ re-entered the development discourse. Although the CD<br />

programme aimed to include all men and women, there was resistance<br />

on account of caste and gender differentiation. Because the CD model<br />

itself was ‘constituted by structures of power which had socialised women<br />

into silent nurturing, these voices were not heard’ (ibid.: 31). Yet, even<br />

within the patriarchal structures of patronage, certain collective spaces<br />

were created <strong>for</strong> and by women (such as the mahila mandals in different<br />

states). The contemporary version of community participation has followed<br />

two different trajectories. At one level, it has taken the route of political<br />

decentralisation through the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs), in which<br />

one-third of all seats are reserved <strong>for</strong> women under the Constitution<br />

(73rd Amendment) Act, 1992, and the Panchayati Raj (Extension to the<br />

Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), 1996. At another level, the explosive growth<br />

of NGOs as intermediaries between the communities and the state has<br />

effectively de-politicised development. The withdrawal of the state from<br />

many areas of development in the 1990s has led to a tussle <strong>for</strong> space between<br />

the elected PRIs and ‘civil society’ NGOs.

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