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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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2<br />

Women in Pastoralist and Shifting Cultivation Communities 41<br />

Whose Rights? Women in Pastoralist and<br />

Shifting Cultivation Communities<br />

A Continuing Struggle <strong>for</strong> Recognition<br />

and Rights to Livelihood Resources<br />

Sagari R. Ramdas and Nitya S. Ghotge<br />

Swidden or shifting cultivation (podu, jhum, bewar, kumri) and pastoralism,<br />

seemingly unrelated livelihood choices and lifestyles, emerged<br />

similarly thousands of years ago in extremely harsh ecological niches,<br />

where settled plough agriculture was difficult to practise: pastoralism in<br />

arid and semi-arid areas and shifting cultivation in hilly, <strong>for</strong>ested terrains.<br />

Both systems have a relationship to land that is not centred on private<br />

ownership. Both <strong>for</strong>ms of land use depend upon mobility, flexibility and<br />

vary across space and time. They also share a common vulnerability, as<br />

they are threatened primarily by contradictions between and conflicts<br />

with the policies of the state.<br />

Despite 200 years of the state’s attempts to squash these livelihoods<br />

and its refusal to recognise them as legitimate systems of land use, the<br />

reality on an all-India basis is that the land area and numbers of families<br />

engaged in both pastoralism and shifting cultivation have increased<br />

(Satapathy et al. 2003). As we argue in this chapter, the pre- and postcolonial<br />

state has consistently attacked and interpreted pastoralism and<br />

shifting cultivation as being ecologically destructive, economically inefficient<br />

and ill-suited to ‘modernity’. In the context of this ongoing struggle<br />

between the state and the communities, it is women, the backbone of<br />

pastoral and shifting cultivation households, who are most vulnerable in<br />

a situation where these communities continue to have no assured legal

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