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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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Women’s <strong>Development</strong> under Patriarchy 383<br />

and an enhanced wage would erode the spirit of seva (service) in the<br />

work and alienate them from fellow villagers. This line of argument has<br />

often been heard by NGO workers when they demand a raise in salaries.<br />

Those worthies who put <strong>for</strong>th this argument pretend not to understand<br />

that in a capitalist society like ours, even the spirit of service cannot but<br />

become a commodity with a price, <strong>for</strong> seva too is labour and in order to<br />

continue supplying it, the sevika/sevak (one who serves) needs means of<br />

sustenance. For their own seva, the Project Directors and IDARA coordinators<br />

were on regular scales, earning twice as much in a month as a<br />

sathin would in a year.<br />

The struggle, thus, became a basic class struggle over arriving at a just<br />

wage, that is, the price of a special <strong>for</strong>m of labour in capitalist society.<br />

WDP officials (both government and NGO) then pulled out the next<br />

item from their unending bag of tricks. The very nature of the functions<br />

a sathin was supposed to per<strong>for</strong>m made it difficult to gauge the amount of<br />

time she would need to spend in fulfilling these. Further, the outcome<br />

of her work could not always be measured because these were based on<br />

intangibles such as the village women gaining confidence in themselves,<br />

and changes in their status in their own eyes and in those of the family, the<br />

village. The WDP now began drawing inapt comparisons between the highly<br />

skill-intensive work of the sathins and the work of anganwadi workers<br />

who had quantifiable, repetitive tasks. The argument now was that since<br />

the sathins had no ‘defined’ work, their meagre honoraria were justified.<br />

This was then further justified by changing the nature of the sathin’s work<br />

by adding on routine tasks of welfare delivery and diluting the training<br />

component, thereby striking at the very root of the programme—the skill<br />

of the sathins as organisers.<br />

Sathins quickly saw through the argument that their work was not<br />

‘defined’. Since the dawn of patriarchal society, the work of women within<br />

the household (that is, child rearing, cooking and all housekeeping activities<br />

extending to tending of livestock and the homestead farm) has been<br />

relegated to the status of a private activity as opposed to the public activity<br />

of productions (agricultural or otherwise) engaged in by men. Capitalism,<br />

which seeks to buy labour power at the lowest possible wage, has used<br />

this patriarchal division of men’s and women’s labour to cheapen the<br />

wage of any home-based production activity undertaken by women. Since<br />

the WDP viewed the sathin as a ‘volunteer’ working in her own village, her

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