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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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<strong>Recasting</strong> <strong>Citizenship</strong> <strong>for</strong> Women’s Livelihood and <strong>Development</strong> 27<br />

<strong>for</strong>m a vast institutional system geared towards enhancing productivity<br />

through a ‘unidisciplinary mode of research and technology transfer’ that<br />

excludes women’s agricultural knowledge and skills. The question is not<br />

just of including women farmers in policy and programmes, but of understanding<br />

that the agricultural network is a ‘gendered institution’ that is<br />

especially resistant to change. Advocacy <strong>for</strong> ‘gender mainstreaming’<br />

remains at the level of rhetoric, serving to mask the instrumentalist approach<br />

of the state and interests of the elite. Similarly, Seema Kulkarni<br />

(Chapter 11, this volume) points out that the new water policy environment<br />

seeks solutions to the water crisis through institutional re<strong>for</strong>ms<br />

such as the decentralisation of resource management, but is resistant to<br />

women’s ‘potential to challenge the existing property relations and the<br />

division of labour’. So, although women are accepted as members of village<br />

drinking water and sanitation committees, they are unrepresented<br />

in the water user associations (WUAs) whose membership depends on<br />

holding land in the command areas of a particular irrigation project,<br />

thereby effectively keeping out women and the landless. She says the real<br />

issue <strong>for</strong> women is not just more access to water, but ‘to demand a space<br />

that can challenge the structures of patriarchy’. Indeed, grassroots women’s<br />

movements in southern Maharashtra are doing this (see Kulkarni 2005).<br />

In many parts of India the ‘elite capture’ of state resources has led to<br />

the emergence of a speculative land market, especially in rural areas in the<br />

vicinity of urban centres. This has led to the encroachment and usurpation<br />

of common lands, affecting poor women’s access to land and common<br />

productive resources. The question of women’s individual and collective<br />

right to land has rarely been taken up within local struggles on the ground,<br />

and this is so across the political spectrum. However, research that has<br />

grown out of the women’s movement has underlined the importance of<br />

land ownership to enhance women’s power to take decisions within the<br />

family. The extensive work done by Agarwal (1994) has shown that ownership<br />

of and control over land is the single most important economic factor<br />

in women’s well-being and empowerment. More recent work (Panda and<br />

Agarwal 2005) shows that women’s ownership of land has a positive impact<br />

on reducing domestic violence. Land ownership is also critical in<br />

facilitating access to farm credit and other inputs. Women’s subordinate<br />

position in relation to men <strong>for</strong>ms the basis of various Hindu laws related<br />

to marriage, adoption and the succession or guardianship of children.

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