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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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30 SUMI KRISHNA<br />

Over the last decade and a half, certain clear trends, which have had an<br />

enormous and varied impact on the development sector in India, have<br />

been discernible. First, there has been political decentralisation (through<br />

the 73rd and 74th Amendments and PESA): this is, of course, not the<br />

same as democratisation, but it has paved the way <strong>for</strong> a realignment of<br />

power at the ‘grassroots’. Second, the opening up of spaces in civil society<br />

<strong>for</strong> non-government intermediaries to serve as an interface with people<br />

(<strong>for</strong> instance, in the provision of basic services) has brought about a<br />

renewed emphasis on ‘participatory’ approaches to development. Third,<br />

the promotion and extraordinary growth of women’s micro-economic<br />

activities through <strong>for</strong>mal associations (SHGs) <strong>for</strong> micro savings-andcredit<br />

and micro-enterprise schemes have posed new challenges <strong>for</strong> women’s<br />

development and women’s citizenship. Micro-credit may not have reached<br />

the poorest women or contributed significantly to sustainable development,<br />

but women’s collectives (including SHGs in some areas) have<br />

begun to serve as an effective interface <strong>for</strong> women to articulate and claim<br />

rights, and perhaps even to deal with male-dominated village panchayats.<br />

Indeed, this has also been the experience with the sanghas of the Mahila<br />

Samakhya (MS) programme in many states. The MS programme is unusual<br />

in its feminist, trans<strong>for</strong>matory emphasis. In keeping with Paulo<br />

Freire’s ideas of education as empowerment, it attempted to change gender<br />

stereotypes through reflection and action in a common space. Although<br />

the programme has been criticised <strong>for</strong> its lack of focus on livelihood and<br />

economic problems, there is abundant evidence from states like Karnataka<br />

showing that sanghas have enhanced women’s sense of self-worth and<br />

their ability to define their own roles in local affairs. They have given<br />

women a legitimate collective bedike (plat<strong>for</strong>m), which fulfils a deeply<br />

felt need <strong>for</strong> women’s space, and provided crucial support <strong>for</strong> the elected<br />

women representatives in the panchayats (Krishna 2004b, d). Many a<br />

sangha has also sought to translate this into a concrete physical space,<br />

a mané (house). Vinalini Mathrani and Vani Periodi (Chapter 14, this<br />

volume) have shown how women negotiate the tortuous process—<br />

extending over months and years—of establishing their own mané,<br />

acquiring the land, constructing the structure, managing the funding and,<br />

not the least, overcoming entrenched male resistance. The women’s mané<br />

is a symbol of their independence and a medium through which they<br />

exercise collective citizenship.

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