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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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216 B. LAKSHMI<br />

high. 3 The lofty ideal of modern education in Mizoram has resulted in a<br />

rapid expansion of schools all over the state, both private and government.<br />

What went on inside the ‘black box’ of the school was a mystery till scholars<br />

such as Michael F.D. Young and Karl Mannheim brought to our notice<br />

that there is no objective way of evaluating knowledge. If any knowledge<br />

is considered superior and worthy of being transmitted, it is primarily<br />

because those with power have defined it as such and have imposed it on<br />

the society, in a way in which the latter considers legitimate. Education,<br />

in the hands of the dominant middle-class Mizo elite and, shall we say,<br />

‘patriarchal elite’, serves to impose and inculcate the ‘cultural arbitrary’ of<br />

gender stereotypes on the young generation that attends school. Although<br />

modern education in Mizoram is ensconced in ideas suffused with<br />

secularism and equality, in reality the school does not operate on an empty<br />

canvas. Rather, it functions as a microcosm of society. Those who come<br />

to school bring with them the stereotypes, including the gender stereotypes,<br />

inculcated through primary socialisation in the context of the<br />

family, the neighbourhood and the community. In turn, by valorising<br />

women’s traditional domestic and nurturant roles of cooking, washing,<br />

cleaning, childcare as so on, school knowledge aims to socialise girls in a<br />

way that prepares them <strong>for</strong> their adult roles. Moreover, by emphasising<br />

the virtues of docility and obedience <strong>for</strong> girls, the school attempts to socialise<br />

girls through ‘canalisation’, ‘manipulation’, ‘verbal appellations’, and<br />

also through different activities. There<strong>for</strong>e, the school itself builds on the<br />

primary ‘habitus’, to use Bourdieu’s term, even though it may deny this<br />

in principle and practice by making the ‘school career a history with no<br />

pre-history’. Bourdieu observes that ‘… the habitus acquired in the family<br />

underlies the structuring of school experiences … and the habitus<br />

trans<strong>for</strong>med by schooling, in turn, underlies the structuring of all subsequent<br />

experience’ (1977: 87). The school, thus, not only rein<strong>for</strong>ces the<br />

existing stereotypes, but also adds its own <strong>for</strong>ce to them by virtue of its<br />

durability and legitimacy. Despite women’s dominant role in farming and<br />

their responsibility <strong>for</strong> food production, the school system in Mizoram<br />

nourishes and nurtures different qualities <strong>for</strong> boys and girls in consonance<br />

with the perceived differential roles they are expected to play in their<br />

adult lives. Boys are encouraged to be brave and adventurous to fulfil<br />

their key role in the community and politics in later life, while girls are<br />

encouraged to be passive, docile, demure and selfless in order to prepare

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