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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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Women and Water Policy 253<br />

part of mainstream thinking, it might be difficult to <strong>for</strong>ge the agenda of<br />

gender equity in irrigation.<br />

Understanding Differences among Women<br />

Grouping women as a category is a fallacy that needs to be tackled. It is<br />

important to understand that women are not an abstract, homogeneous<br />

category, and come with large differences across class, caste and tribe in<br />

the Indian context. Women from oppressed castes and tribes face a dual<br />

oppression—as both women and members of the caste/tribe to which<br />

they belong (Joy and Paranjape 2005; Kulkarni and Rao 2002). These differences<br />

in social relations amongst women undermine any notion of<br />

groups <strong>for</strong>med through a homogeneity of common interests as women.<br />

While the notion of homogeneity has its relevance in the broader context<br />

of addressing patriarchy, various experiences indicate that grouping<br />

women as a category vis-à-vis their relationship to water or other natural<br />

resources has only been counterproductive.<br />

Once this difference is understood, we will see that water needs vary<br />

across caste, class and tribe. Defining equity thus becomes a complex<br />

process. It calls <strong>for</strong> the unpacking of women as a category. For Dalit women,<br />

<strong>for</strong> example, social taboos prevent access to drinking water. The needs of<br />

women farm owners are considerably different from those of women wage<br />

labourers, or those from landowning households deriving water rights<br />

through their husbands. For non-land owning Dalit and adivasi women,<br />

water needs could revolve around water-based enterprises like fishing or<br />

share-cropping.<br />

Gender Division of Tasks is not Static<br />

Until recently, much of the gender planning around natural resources<br />

has been placed in the context of women’s current tasks of collecting<br />

fuel, fodder, water and related survival tasks. Gender planning undertaken<br />

through these conceptual frameworks has largely focused on reducing<br />

the time spent by women on these survival tasks. In the water sector, women<br />

are thus seen as spending hours collecting water <strong>for</strong> domestic use. Various<br />

studies (<strong>for</strong> example, Swaminathan 1997) do point to how women’s tasks<br />

revolve around the collection of water and the impact that this has on

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