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Recasting Citizenship for Development - File UPI

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<strong>Recasting</strong> <strong>Citizenship</strong> <strong>for</strong> Women’s Livelihood and <strong>Development</strong> 11<br />

It is woman’s right to rule the home. Man is the master outside it. Man is<br />

the earner, woman saves and spends. Woman looks after the feeding of the<br />

child. She shapes its future. She is responsible <strong>for</strong> building its character.<br />

She is her children’s educator and hence, Mother to the Nation. (Joshi<br />

1988: 14–15)<br />

Gandhi felt that this ‘scheme of Nature’ was just and that while women<br />

should not be ‘kept in ignorance and under suppression’, they should not<br />

have to earn their living as telegraph clerks, typists or compositors in<br />

printing presses. After a certain age, women ‘should be taught the management<br />

of the home, the things they should or should not do during<br />

pregnancy and the nursing and care of children’. Gandhi’s views on women’s<br />

social and political participation evolved over time, but his views on<br />

women’s education remained much the same.<br />

According to Sarkar (1984: 99), Gandhi astutely blended the ‘religious<br />

content of nationalism’ with feminine virtues of gentility, patience and<br />

sacrifice. Gandhian non-violence had a particularly feminine ambience,<br />

enabling women to join the freedom struggle without upsetting the essential<br />

structure of patriarchy. Gandhi’s patriarchal views were not critiqued<br />

even by such stalwarts of the women’s movement as Sarojini Naidu. As<br />

Hardiman (2004: 122) suggests, the ‘negative elements’ of Gandhi’s patriarchy<br />

‘were outweighed by the positive social and political benefits he<br />

helped achieve <strong>for</strong> women’. Thus, the Indian woman took ‘her place as a<br />

worthy yet subordinate citizen of the nation’ (ibid.: 105). After independence,<br />

government policies and programme approaches to women’s education<br />

and work extolled women’s role in nation-building but denied them<br />

rights as full citizens.<br />

Unlike middle-class, upper-caste urban women, in most parts of rural<br />

India, the traditional work of poor women, <strong>for</strong>est-dwellers, peasants and<br />

artisans has never been confined to the domestic sphere. In the various<br />

pre-independence struggles <strong>for</strong> resources (as <strong>for</strong> <strong>for</strong>est produce in the<br />

Kumaon Himalayas in present-day Uttarakhand), women saw the livelihoods<br />

of their communities at stake, but rarely raised gender-specific<br />

issues within their campaigns, with the only exception of issues like male<br />

drunkenness and alcoholism. In the revolutionary Tebhaga movement<br />

(1946–47) <strong>for</strong> rights over the produce of land in pre-Partition Bengal,<br />

women peasants participated in large numbers in the struggle, and in<br />

some locations emerged as leaders (see Custers 1987). Peasant women

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