Download (28Mb) - LSE Theses Online

ecause they underline the lack of diplomatie récognition for an autonomous
Turkish-Cypriot politicai entity. A product of this lack of récognition is a lack of
international research interest. Seemingly, the very act of conducting research may
be seen to add a level of credence and récognition to a separate politicai economy
that is at odds with long-standing Greek-Cypriot policy, which has so actively
opposed division 2 . The Republic of Cyprus is of necessity the host of anyone
considering pan-Cypriot research, though it requires a determined effort to maintain
a pan-Cypriot approach 3 . It is hoped that bias will be avoided here and that the
reader will appreciate that the motive for investigation remains the desire to
understand the economic conséquences of ethno-national conflict and division in
Cyprus.
Despite dire warnings to the contrary 4 , access to available "officiai" sources in the
"TRNC" has been relatively good. From the late 1970's the quality and quantity of
data improved. Earlier data is highly limited in either scope, reliability and / or
availability with the crucial period before, during and immediately after 1974 being
particularly problematic. At criticai periods in the community's recent turbulent
history, most recently on the 20th July 1974 (when it loolced as if the Nicosia and
2 An example of this policy can be seen in a PIO publication written by Dr Elenora Gavrielides, a
Press and Information Officer (Rep. of Cyprus. 1992. Greek Cvpriot Properties in the Qccupied Area
and the Turkish Cvpriot Policy. Nicosia, PIO, p.4): "Another aim of the Turkish Cypriot illegal
regime's policy regarding Greek Cypriot properties is to create the impression that a perfectly
organised state is operating in the occupied areas and that is, at least partly, why 'law' and
'régulations' were adopted to regúlate the matter at issue."
3 For example, current authorised international points of entry are located within the areas controlied
by the internationally recognised Government of The Republic of Cyprus. Other points of entry are
illegal and people using them are subject to prosecution there. If pan Cypriot research is to be
conducted, access to the north is only possible from the south via the Ledra Palace Checkpoint in
Nicosia. Special permission is required to visit the area more than once per visit, to stay beyond the
5.00pm curfew, to leave the confines of (north) Nicosia and to visit before 8.00am and after l.OOpm.
Special permission is complicated and time consuming to arrange, and has to be periodically renegotiated
with officiais at the Checkpoint.
4 David Barchard of the Financial Times (FT), a far from unsympathetic journalist, said "economic
information about Northern (sic) Cyprus was regarded as a virtual military secret by the Turkish
Cypriot authorities..." (Barchard D. 1992. Asil Nadir and the Rise and Fall of Pollv Peck. London:
Victor Gollancz, p. 91). Barchard was a periodic contributor to Nadir 1 s flagship publication
Turquoise. A publication that Barchard himself described as the "in flight magazine" for the
"cultural image" of Turkey and northern Cyprus.
125