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Figure 5.2 Ethnie distribution of changes in (real) Cypriot GNP after the 1974<br />

hostilities.<br />

70% y<br />

60% --<br />

50%<br />

40%<br />

30% --<br />

0 Change in Greek Çyp. GNP<br />

S» 20%<br />

DE Change in Turkish Çyp. GNP<br />

10% --<br />

0%<br />

-10%<br />

-20%<br />

1974<br />

1S7S<br />

+<br />

1976 1977 1978 1979 1980<br />

Figure for early 1974 (until July) refers to the whole island, olber than the Turkish Cypriot enclaves.<br />

Source: Rep. of Cyp. 1994. Historical Data on IheEconomy ofCyprus 1960-91, pp. 19-20, & Bicak H,A. 1993. "An Evaluation ofthe<br />

Turkish Cypriot Position. Debts of theCrek Cypriot Community, p.7.<br />

In some ways the différence between 1963/4 and 1974 is a matter of scale for the<br />

island as a whole, though perhaps, similarly catastrophic for each respective<br />

community. In terms of their recoveries, both the stratégies and the results were<br />

very différent. In a way the Turkish-Cypriots (perhaps of necessity) pursued<br />

politicai objectives at the expense of economic ones, a kind of Palestinian approach,<br />

which proved in the long run to be politically successful for them because a<br />

powerful regional ally was eventually willing and able to support the community's<br />

bluff. By comparison, Greek-Cypriots failed in their politicai objectives; however,<br />

whilst pursuing (failed and failing) politicai objectives they successfully exploited<br />

economic ones, even when they were contrary to their stated politicai objectives.<br />

The events of 1974 concentrated the economic resolve, having removed the<br />

possibility of imminent success in high politics which had periodically disrupted the<br />

development process in the past.<br />

For the Greek-Cypriots after 1974 the options were limited. Newly land scarce resettlement<br />

stratégies not only conflicted with a loud politicai rhetoric (which refused<br />

231

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