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In terms of the topic of this thesis, a clear distinction can be drawn between the
economic effects of organised violence in Cyprus before 1974 and after. From April
1955 there was spasmodic organised politicai violence in Cyprus, commencing with
a right-wing guerrilla war not for independence, but to unite the island with Greece
(Enosis). Ethnie conflict followed, causing increasing numbers of Turkish-Cypriots
to concentrate into defensive enclaves between
1956-58 and, again after
independence and the breakdown of the power-sharing constitution, in 1963. After
intermittent, inter and intra-ethnic conflict, violence amongst Greek-Cypriots was
spurred by the fall of demoeraey in Athens in 1967. Between 1968 and 1973
politicai violence in Cyprus was mostly intra rather than inter-communal. The
politicai right used violence, intimidation and acts of terrorism to further a
pereeived nationalist cause and, in the (majority) Greek community, the socialist
left (EDEK) responding by arming and training its supporters. As the Greek junta
imploded, (particularly after the overthrow of Colonel Papadopoulous in Athens by
the more hard-line Brigadier Ioannidis), acts of intra-communal organised politicai
violence increased. In 1974, violence and intrigue reached a crescendo, resulting in
the Athens sponsored coup against the Cypriot President, Archbishop Makarios.
Brief, intense, open civil war began between the Athens controlied National Guard
supported by EOKA B terrorists on one side and lightly armed police and EDEK
(Socialist Party) units, loyal to the now almost exclusively Greek-Cypriot
government of the Republic of Cyprus, 23
on the other. This inter-Greek fighting
23 30/6/1970 Cyprus Mail reported that President Makarios had appointed a Turirish Cypriot, Dr
Ihsan Ali, as his personal advisor. Less controversially (at least for the Greeks) there was an
22