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Cyprus, in the ten years that preceded independence, 1950-59, Cypriot exports<br />

averaged 25% of Cypriot GNP 55 .<br />

Data on the composition, rather than the proportion, of domestic output exported<br />

(presented in Figure 2.1, Chapter 2) tends to contradict Christodoulou's time frame<br />

also. Clearly the diversification of exports and export markets carne only after<br />

1974, as a consequence of the loss of a región specialised in export agriculture. It<br />

will be argued here that diversification of production, and particularly production<br />

for external markets, was an important indicator of economic development. This<br />

occurred as a direct result of the war in 1974 and the necessary restructuring it<br />

engendered.<br />

Christodoulou gives a generally optimistic description of the social effects of<br />

economic growth against a pessimistic background of the role of planning,<br />

economic management and the sustainability of economic growth. Implicitly,<br />

economic growth has benefited almost all of society, seemingly compensating for<br />

gross political failures. In 1981 34% of the labour market earned a salary whilst in<br />

1989 that had risen to 45%. "..the figures seem to point to a tendency towards the<br />

embourgeoisement of Cyprus labour, and helps underscore the striking middle-class<br />

character of Cyprus society as a whole 56 ". This argument ignores changes in<br />

55 Republic of Cyprus 1995. Statistical Abstract 1993. Nicosia: Ministry of Finance, Dept. of<br />

Statistics and Research, pp. 529-531.<br />

56 Christodoulou 1992. op, cit. p. 215. It is assumed that "Cyprus Society as a whole" refers to<br />

Greek Cypriots only.<br />

45

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