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in the construction industry. The government secured investment for a rapidly<br />

collapsing domestic construction industry, simultaneously providing relief for the<br />

most acute physical and politicai need (mass homelessness / displaced persons).<br />

Large scale public investment in both public and private housing projects in the<br />

immediate post-war period, restored the battered confidence of a sector which was<br />

to replace fixed capital and provide (mostly indirectly) much necessary foreign<br />

exchange. It also triggered complementary consumption patterns (a replacement of<br />

lost household goods and furnishings, with [some] domestic products), with wages<br />

(a multiplier) provided by utilising costs (displaced persons) as resources (labour in<br />

the construction and manufacturing sectors).<br />

The economic performance and social mobility of refugees versus non refugees may<br />

be an important variable, both in the context of refugees being key economic<br />

resources and in the more general sense of offering an alternative explanation of the<br />

post-war recovery. Zetter, perhaps of necessity, does not include Turkish-Cypriot<br />

refugees in his analysis and also does not disaggregate refugees into social classes.<br />

Where human capital is concerned, Greek-Cypriots had more recently successful<br />

entrepreneurs amongst their "refugees" to apply new capital to. The différences<br />

between the "refugees" from the north and those from the south may be a factor in<br />

explaining subséquent divergence in recovery rates; différences in "human capital"<br />

resources (experience, skills and éducation), rather than "culture" and différences in<br />

the ability to secure new investment in a relocated economy. These questions,<br />

51

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