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seem more politically motivateci and more politically successful than economically<br />

so, both attempted with considérable success to tap private sector resources,<br />

channelling investment in desired directions.<br />

Time will tell how soon this analysis proves obsolete, when more data and<br />

comparative analysis of the économies of Cyprus is published. This chapter, Iike<br />

those that preceded it, asks more questions than it has been able to answer. Many of<br />

the questions seem to imply that since 1974 and even 1964 Cyprus has functioned<br />

below par. Ethnie confiict may have caused the island's economy to be below its<br />

production possibility frontier simply because resources could not be utilised in the<br />

most efficient way possible. Politicai divisions have prevented natural<br />

interdependencies, complementarities from taking place. In the context of the<br />

supposed economic benefits of economic co-operation north and south 105 , and both<br />

communities' perceptions of the costs of division 106 , the next chapter uses a<br />

dynamic model to attempt to benchmark the costs and conséquences of ethnie<br />

division in Cyprus.<br />

105 UN Security Council, 17 December 1993. (Unpublished) "Report of the team of experts on the<br />

economic benefits of the Varosha and Nicosia International Airport package".<br />

106 Bicak, H.A. 1993. "An Evaluation of the Turkish Cypriot Position. Debts of Greek Cypriot<br />

Community", paper submitted to the U.N. Représentative in Cyprus; Republic of Cyprus 1975.<br />

"Economic Conséquences of the Turkish Invasion and Future Prospects of the Cyprus Economy. "<br />

Nicosia: The Planning Bureau.<br />

290

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