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Nevertheless, many Turkish-Cypriots maintain that the "embargo" remained their
main barrier to growth, adding additional eosts to products originating in the région.
The rôle of the "embargo", its pervasiveness, is however partly undermined by the
rapid restoration and importance of foreign markets, particularly the United
Kingdom.
Conclusion
Despite the obvious différences in the rate and scale of economic development north
and south, there are some surprising similarities in certain elements of the recovery.
For much of the time the private sector and the individuai entrepreneur played a
more important rôle in the Greek-Cypriot recovery, although similar key institutions
(and in one case a key institution with a shared history) played an important rôle; in
one case as a Supplement to and in the other as a Substitute for private
entreprenuerialship. The converse relationship between the politicai situation and the
economic one is a twist which makes the two politicai économies appear as mirror
images, inversely related. The Turkish-Cypriot leadership actively campaigned in
favour of the post-74 status quo, aiming to replace a de facto position with de jure
partition. For them, economic policy was geared to consolidate the achievements of
the Turkish Army. The Greek-Cypriots were anti the status quo, whilst economic
policy and performance seemed to confer more of a sense of permanence to the
division they rejected. Greek-Cypriots only reluctantly concentrated and rebuilt their
economy south of the UN Buffer Zone. Ironically the politicai solution in the north
is used to compensate for greater economic progress, the two being perceived in
some senses, and in politicai circles, as mutually exclusive. In the south, economic
progress tacitly compensâtes for failures on the politicai front. However,
intervention by the state, north and south reveals some surprising similarities: both
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