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seem to be able to grow in line with whatever the treasury in Ankara determines,<br />

regardless of Cypriot conditions and policies. To answer one of the questions raised in<br />

the introduction, it seems that the north can not be studied as an independent economy,<br />

but only as a part of the wider Turkish economy. Here this thesis has failed, though at<br />

the outset, and judging by existing, limited literature, there was no way of knowing this<br />

until the work was complete. To repeat comments made in the introduction; existing<br />

literature on the economic development of Cyprus (as a whole), is extremely limited.<br />

From the evidence and arguments presented above, the integration of the Turkish-<br />

Cypriot economy into a wider Turkish economy, is a phenomenon that goes back to<br />

the 1960s and the breakdown of the constitution in December 1963. While mainland<br />

support for the Turkish-Cypriot community may have been critical in the 1960s, in<br />

terms of self-sustaining development, its contribution has been more ambiguous since.<br />

The logical extension of the argument here, is that the Turkification of the Turkish-<br />

Cypriot economy has only been encouraged by consistent Greek-Cypriot policy dating<br />

back to 1960.<br />

Here, on both sides of the UN Buffer Zone, both communities have been given the<br />

benefit of the doubt. Almost exclusively, in Chapters 1-5, it is their respective data and<br />

their elite's dialogue that has written the story of the creation of two, noncommunicating<br />

economies on the island of Cyprus. With both communities having<br />

some perception of the cost of de facto division, Chapter 6 contrasts development in<br />

Cyprus with certain objective criteria, to attempt a dynamic benchmark of those costs.<br />

In many ways the story presented here has tended to suggest, seemingly conspiring to<br />

support the Turkish-Cypriot case, that the economy as a whole (and, ironically,<br />

particularly the Greek-Cypriot economy), was better off economically in the divided<br />

reality. That evidence also tends to suggest that the Turkish-Cypriot community did<br />

not maintain long term economic benefits from the political solution their leaders<br />

sought. The continued widespread use of improvised public and quasi-public sector<br />

365

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