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THEMATIC ISSUES<br />

Case study: mass displacement in Teso<br />

The below is based on an extract from Prof. Justin Epelu-Opio’s book<br />

“Teso War: Causes and Consequences” generously provided to enrich<br />

the Compendium:<br />

In Teso, mass displacement came in two phases. First, during the Teso<br />

War, and second, during the LRA incursion. The first phase of mass<br />

displacement occurred in 1988 and 1989. Soroti Town was the worst<br />

affected. The population of displaced people was almost 600,000. In<br />

Soroti, people were scattered in open grounds, sleeping on verandas<br />

and in open spaces as there were no IDP camps. IDP camps were to be<br />

found in Bukedea, Kumi, Mukura, Ngora, Nyero, Kanyum, Acowa, Wera<br />

and many other trading centres.<br />

During the second phase, in 2003, IDP camps were located in Soroti<br />

Town as well as in some trading towns in Kaberamaido District, Amuria<br />

Town and near Kapir in Ngora District following the incursion of Kony<br />

and his LRA fighters.<br />

In Teso, life in the IDP camps has totally destroyed the once coherent<br />

social fabric in the community before 1988. Elders lost authority. The<br />

youth were the bosses because elders feared for their lives when they<br />

tried to advise the youth to stop the so-called rebellion which eventually<br />

lost all sense of direction.<br />

Across northern Uganda, participants described the IDP camps as places of restriction,<br />

danger, humiliation, disempowerment, moral degeneration and terrible living conditions.<br />

Participants in Kitgum referred to the IDP camps as “concentration camps.” According<br />

to participants, the future of youth was undermined in the camps, as they missed out<br />

on educational opportunities. It was argued that without proper education, those<br />

who grew up in the camps – who on several occasions were described as a ‘missing<br />

generation’ - are unable to compete on an equal basis with those across the country<br />

who were never displaced. It was said that poverty in northern Uganda can in part be<br />

attributed to prolonged displacement. Similarly, in Soroti, where people were displaced<br />

by the Karimojong, the UPA and the LRA, participants blamed protracted dependency on<br />

aid for increased poverty levels.<br />

One of the most frequently mentioned detrimental impacts of displacement, which<br />

continued or even increased after people left the camps and returned home, was altered<br />

power relations and increased hostility between men and women. When open war<br />

outside the homestead had ceased, conflict inside the home intensified. Participants<br />

attributed increasing levels of SGBV to the fact that men were deprived of their role as<br />

provider during camp life, and were forced to be idle. One woman respondent in Kitgum<br />

described how “In the past men used to be bread winners, but when people went to the<br />

camp, men lost all these authorities, so their anger went to women.”<br />

In Pader and Lira, some participants blamed NGOs who organized ‘sensitisation meetings’<br />

about the rights of women during encampment for distorting relationships between<br />

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