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COMPENDIUM OF CONFLICTS IN <strong>UGANDA</strong><br />

A number of participants criticized this military approach to political questions. Some<br />

alleged that individuals in the Government had a vested interest in approaching the<br />

conflict in northern Uganda from a military angle. They cited a number of Government<br />

and army officials and members of the first family whom they thought had benefited<br />

from the prolonged military conflict. In Mukono it was argued that the state used its<br />

monopoly on force solely in the interest of staying in power, to the detriment of the<br />

security of citizens.<br />

A participant there said<br />

“The incumbent Government does not mind about what<br />

does not threaten its Government, since the iron bar hitmen<br />

squad does not have the intention to overthrow the<br />

Government. I bet the Government will remain dormant in<br />

providing total security and clearing these bandits...”<br />

Militarisation of Ugandan society was said to be manifest at many different levels, in<br />

addition to the national political level. In Adjumani, women complained about military<br />

tendencies amongst the youth, some of whom have been abducted and forced to<br />

fight. It was said that the history of militarisation has led the general population to see<br />

the gun as a means either to obtain power or to defend against the abuse of power.<br />

In Gulu, participants noted that people had to defend themselves militarily when the<br />

NRA crossed Karuma after the overthrow of Tito Okello, in order to protect themselves<br />

against the atrocities of operation Fagia (see conflict No. 56) and other such attacks. The<br />

lack of demobilisation of previous Government soldiers in northern Uganda, combined<br />

with the military response to the real or perceived threat posed by NRA forces, was said<br />

to have contributed to the descent of northern Uganda into a state of conflict that would<br />

last for decades.<br />

Participants further criticized the militarisation of the police, evident during political<br />

protests and demonstrations that were frequent during the time of the field research. In<br />

Mbarara, it was said that both the army and police displayed lack of respect for human<br />

life and used excessive force against civilians during protests around the country. They<br />

commented that arrests by military operatives and police that took place at that time<br />

could be considered a continuation of the illegal panda gari arrests by the military before<br />

Museveni came to power. In Luwero, youth wished the police were more non-partisan<br />

and independent from the army. They called the Uganda Police Force the “NRM Police.”<br />

One youth wanted to tell the Inspector General of Police<br />

“Please use your power equally so that all political parties<br />

get equal services.”<br />

THE DEMOBILISATION, DISARMAMENT AND<br />

REINTEGRATION (DDR) DEFICIT<br />

A lack of appropriate demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration of former army<br />

54

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