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Tacitus, Annals, 15.20­-23, 33­-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

Tacitus, Annals, 15.20­-23, 33­-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

Tacitus, Annals, 15.20­-23, 33­-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

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aligned his forms of interaction <strong>with</strong> the senate according to proto-republican<br />

norms <strong>and</strong> values: freedom of speech; strict limits to adulatio; recognition<br />

of the value of republican office which emperor <strong>and</strong> other aristocrats could<br />

hold or aspire to, especially the consulship; investment in a private status –<br />

as if an ordinary citizen – in dress <strong>and</strong> appearance. From an emperor’s point<br />

of view, balancing ritual elevation <strong>with</strong> ritual humility – to be part of the<br />

society, not above society – was entirely functional: ‘An emperor whom ritual<br />

<strong>and</strong> ceremonial raised above the level of human society, whose power was<br />

represented symbolically as deriving from “outside”, from the gods, owed<br />

nothing to the internal structure of the society he ruled. To act, by contrast,<br />

as a member of that society, as the peer of its most elevated members, was<br />

(symbolically) to associate autocratic power <strong>with</strong> the social structure. Civility<br />

both reinforced the social hierarchy by demonstrating imperial respect for it,<br />

<strong>and</strong> strengthened the autocracy by linking it <strong>with</strong> the social structure.’ 19 Not<br />

all emperors felt necessarily obliged to try to confirm to this image (their<br />

reigns often came to an abrupt end...); <strong>and</strong> as we shall see in Section 5 below,<br />

different emperors had different notions of what ‘civility’ consisted in.<br />

Consideration of the underlying ‘structure’ of the imperial system also<br />

helps to put our sources into perspective – enabling us to read them as highly<br />

rhetorical <strong>and</strong> personally <strong>and</strong> politically committed views on, rather than<br />

entirely accurate representations of, historical realities. Just taking our imperial<br />

sources at face value results in the kind of history one gets in the (highly<br />

engrossing <strong>and</strong> actively emetic) BBC-series Horrible Histories, where the ‘Rotten<br />

Romans’ feature prominently – <strong>and</strong> Nero gets the final riff in the ‘Roman<br />

Emperor’s Song – Who’s Bad?’, topping the pops against classic competition:<br />

the apparently certifiable sociopaths Caligula (emperor 37–41), Elagabalus<br />

(218–222), <strong>and</strong> Commodus (180–192). 20 But the composition of literature by<br />

members of the ruling élite was never a neutral activity; rather, it was itself<br />

implicated in the imperial configuration of power, in the jostling for position,<br />

in exercises of self-promotion: Pliny, <strong>Tacitus</strong>, <strong>and</strong> Suetonius wrote (mainly) for<br />

fellow aristocrats about a shared world dominated by the emperor – <strong>and</strong> used<br />

their works to define their own status, position, <strong>and</strong> prestige <strong>with</strong>in it.<br />

Rhetorical myth-making is rampant in Roman historical writing. Most<br />

notoriously, our sources show an avowed interest in portraying emperors<br />

who for one reason or other fell out of favour as mentally deranged. In many<br />

19 Wallace-Hadrill (1982) 47.<br />

20 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w-Nh-zSMzqo. For an equivalent in adult<br />

entertainment check out History Channel’s Caligula: 1400 Days of Terror.

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