Tacitus, Annals, 15.20-23, 33-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

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this policy involves his presence in the first few chapters of the set text (15.20–22), which form the tail end of Tacitus’ account of AD 62. As such, his direct speech here correlates with his appearance (including a direct speech) at the beginning of Tacitus’ account of the same year (14.48–49). These paragraphs cover the trial of Antistius and form a ‘twin’ to 15.20–22. The passage is lengthy, but, quite apart from its structural significance, also offers acute insights into the relationship between senate and emperor and into the character of Thrasea Paetus. It is thus worth citing in full (14.48–49): (48) P. Mario L. Afinio consulibus Antistius praetor, quem in tribunatu plebis licenter egisse memoravi probrosa adversus principem carmina factitavit vulgavitque celebri convivio, dum apud Ostorium Scapulam epulatur. exim a Cossutiano Capitone, qui nuper senatorium ordinem precibus Tigellini soceri sui receperat, maiestatis delatus est. tum primum revocata ea lex, credebaturque haud perinde exitium Antistio quam imperatori gloriam quaeri, ut condemnatum a senatu intercessione tribunicia morti eximeret. et cum Ostorius nihil audivisse pro testimonio dixisset, adversis testibus creditum; censuitque Iunius Marullus consul designatus adimendam reo praeturam necandumque more maiorum. ceteris inde adsentientibus, Paetus Thrasea, multo cum honore Caesaris et acerrime increpito Antistio, non quidquid nocens reus pati mereretur, id egregio sub principe et nulla necessitate obstricto senatui statuendum disseruit: carnificem et laqueum pridem abolita, et esse poenas legibus constitutas, quibus sine iudicum saevitia et temporum infamia supplicia decernerentur. quin in insula publicatis bonis, quo longius sontem vitam traxisset, eo privatim miseriorem et publicae clementiae maximum exemplum futurum. (49) Libertas Thraseae servitium aliorum rupit, et postquam discessionem consul permiserat, pedibus in sententiam eius iere, paucis exceptis, in quibus adulatione promptissimus fuit A. Vitellius, optimum quemque iurgio lacessens et respondenti reticens, ut pavida ingenia solent. at consules, perficere decretum senatus non ausi, de consensu scripsere Caesari. ille inter pudorem et iram cunctatus, postremo rescripsit: nulla iniuria provocatum Antistium gravissimas in principem contumelias dixisse; earum ultionem a patribus postulatam, et pro magnitudine delicti poenam statui par fuisse. ceterum se, qui severitatem decernentium impediturus fuerit, moderationem non prohibere: statuerent ut vellent; datam et absolvendi licentiam. his atque talibus recitatis et offensione manifesta, non ideo aut consules mutavere relationem aut Thrasea decessit sententia ceterive quae probaverant deseruere, pars, ne principem obiecisse invidiae viderentur, plures numero tuti, Thrasea sueta firmitudine animi et ne gloria intercideret. [(48) In the consulate of Publius Marius and Lucius Afinius, the praetor Antistius, whose reckless conduct in his plebeian tribuneship I have already
mentioned, composed a number of scandalous verses on the princeps, and made them public at a well-attended banquet of Ostorius Scapula, with whom he was dining. He was thereupon accused of treason by Cossutianus Capito, who, by the intervention of his father-in-law Tigellinus, had lately recovered his senatorial rank. This was the first revival of the statute; and it was believed that what was sought was not so much death for Antistius as glory for the emperor, whose tribunician veto was to snatch him from death after he had been condemned by the senate. Although Ostorius had stated in evidence that he had heard nothing, the witnesses for the prosecution were believed; and the consul designate, Junius Marullus, moved for the accused to be stripped of his praetorship and put to death according to ancient custom. The other senators were approving the motion, when Thrasea Paetus, with a great show of respect for Caesar and a most vigorous attack on Antistius, argued that it did not follow that the penalty a guilty defendant deserved to suffer was the one that ought to be decided upon, under an outstanding princeps and by a senate not fettered by any sort of compulsion. The executioner and the noose had long since been abolished; and there were punishments established by laws under which punitive measures could be decreed without implicating the judges in brutality or the age in infamy. In fact, on an island, with his property confiscated, the longer he dragged out his criminal existence, the deeper would be his personal misery, and he would also furnish an excellent example of public clemency.’ (49) The autonomy of Thrasea broke the servility of others, and, after the consul had authorized a vote, everyone supported his opinion, except a few dissenters, among whom Aulus Vitellius [sc. the future emperor] was the most active sycophant, who levelled his abuse at the very best, and, as is the wont of cowardly natures, lapsed into silence if anyone replied. The consuls, however, not daring to put the senatorial decree into practice, wrote to Caesar about the general consensus of opinion. He, after some vacillation between shame and anger, finally wrote back that ‘Antistius, unprovoked by any injury, had uttered to the most intolerable insults against the princeps. For those insults retribution had been demanded from the senators; and it would have been appropriate to fix a penalty matching the gravity of the offence. Still, as he had in mind to check undue severity in their verdict, he would not interfere with their moderation; they must decide as they wished – they had been given liberty even to acquit.’ These words, and others like it, were read out, and his resentment was plain to see. The consuls, however, did not change the motion on that account; Thrasea did not withdraw his proposal; nor did the remaining members withdraw their support for what they had approved; one part, lest they should seem to have placed the emperor in an invidious position; a majority, because there was safety in their numbers; Thrasea, through his usual firmness of spirit, and a desire not to lose any of his glory.]
Page 1 and 2: Mathew Owen and Ingo Gildenhard Tac
Page 4 and 5: Tacitus, Annals, 15.20-23, 33-45 La
Page 6 and 7: Contents 1. Preface and acknowledge
Page 8: 1. Preface and acknowledgements
Page 11 and 12: as to inform. Finally, for each cha
Page 14 and 15: At the outset of his Annals, which
Page 16 and 17: 69 - 79 Vespasian In Rome from 75 o
Page 18 and 19: It would be misleading... to concep
Page 20 and 21: the Roman aristocracy remained a hi
Page 22 and 23: a text, early imperial Rome comes a
Page 24 and 25: in which he employed yet another ge
Page 26 and 27: Period Regime/ emperor in charge Ch
Page 28 and 29: In his history of Rome and Roman hi
Page 30 and 31: to the two high magistrates who ent
Page 32 and 33: One conspicuous aspect of the Annal
Page 34 and 35: centre of gravity is displaced to a
Page 36 and 37: judiciously aporetic stance on whet
Page 38 and 39: Stage 1: AD 54-58 Stage 2: AD 59-63
Page 42 and 43: The passage offers excellent insigh
Page 44 and 45: interfered. Moreover, he identifies
Page 46 and 47: 3. Latin text with study questions
Page 48 and 49: exim Cretensis, -e reus agor, agi,
Page 50 and 51: privatus, -i, m. viso, -ere, visi,
Page 52 and 53: adsensus, -us, m. celebro, -are, -a
Page 54 and 55: ultra (+ acc.) appello, -are, -avi,
Page 56 and 57: in dies cupido, -inis, f. adigo, -e
Page 58 and 59: arbitror, -ari, -atus sum providus,
Page 60 and 61: munus, -eris, n. frequento, -are, -
Page 62 and 63: omitto, -ere, -misi, -missum in inc
Page 64 and 65: adquiro, -ere, -quisivi, -quisitum
Page 66 and 67: prodo, -ere, -didi, -ditum circus,
Page 68 and 69: ago, -ere, egi, actum Palatium, -ii
Page 70 and 71: demum imus, -a, -um Esquiliae, -aru
Page 72 and 73: insula, -ae, f. numerum ineo, -ire,
Page 74 and 75: ceterum ruina, -ae, f. proinde ...
Page 76 and 77: Gallicus, -a, -um distinctio, -onis
Page 78 and 79: piaculum, -i, n. Sibyllae libri, -o
Page 80: confero, -ferre, -tuli, -latum perv
Page 84 and 85: The assigned portion of text begins
Page 86 and 87: Then a sudden transition in narrati
Page 88 and 89: starring Thrasea Paetus, are an exc
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conveys a sense of function, purpos
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additional offence outweighs the ot
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e (or traditionally were)? We may a
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. Illustration (sic...) c. Gnomic g
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disapproved of flowery rhetoric as
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[Therefore, after everything was pr
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omnibus libidinum inlecebris replet
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‘tu regere imperio populos, Roman
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whereby (quo)... we depart from the
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conducive to Thrasea’s argument -
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thinly masked by rhetorical general
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especially arresting. (Note that as
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The construction - a conditional se
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for almost everyone else the mind a
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We are still in AD 62, but Tacitus
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senatorumque interitus, quamvis pro
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he visits Roman society like a wrat
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Tacitus thus twins the abomination
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Candidates for the priesthood, girl
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Rufus chose for his tombstone (6.10
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Rufus and refocus attention from re
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during pregnancy. That poison playe
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who had made vows for his health wh
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‘In times of crisis, the senate s
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equirement of someone who took on t
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Take this as a benchmark and you co
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(in predicative position and govern
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This is another instance of Tacitea
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the major hyperbaton cupidine ... p
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Tacitus here takes a step back. Ner
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Nero imagines that his feats on sta
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position in the list, seems highly
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[62] M. Licinio L. Calpurnio consul
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at the spur of the moment. Possibly
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foedissima eius aulae ostenta is th
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The asyndetic tricolon, which consi
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up the disgust: as if the bluest of
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urial and the validity of the accus
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took a detour with the character po
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Tacitus endows Nero’s formulation
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the hands of the divine power of th
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first phrase, the second is slightl
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Tacitus goes on to explain why the
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( Chapter 37 locis struere convi
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A purpose clause: quo = ut eo.
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The general Agrippa was one of Augu
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Roman morality, and for noble women
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With ipse, Tacitus introduces a shi
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moral pollution of these men. The m
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The asyndeton of the previous two p
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Tacitus here records a telling dyna
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consumed by fire’, he rejoined
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The author of the Octavia (a so-cal
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The parallels between Quintilian’
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hunc morem cursus atque haec certam
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His (and Nero’s) assimilation of
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sed omnibus quae huic urbi per viol
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An ablative of manner, which amount
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After a long and twisting sentence
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... audebat), he again continues wi
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The subject of patefecit and extrux
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The sack of the mighty city of Troy
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conflagration; and given the number
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But one could turn this around if o
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Romani opes ornarent potius quam au
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and the variation in constructions
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first and the second item with et a
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The (Senonian) Gauls had captured a
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[There was nothing however in which
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36) in the striking phrase patriae
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inritae spei. The idea of the canal
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Chapter 43 nulla distinctione nec
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In Tacitus, the emphatic nulla and
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uinis erat; vacuas areas occupare e
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were meant to patrol the aqueducts
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( Chapter 44 44.1 Et haec quidem h
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quam mulierum disciplinam contineri
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offering up scapegoats to cover his
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the Romans’ point of view - a con
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c-alliteration conveying Tacitus’
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After dilaceration, Tacitus lists t
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he aimed at. Tacitus could almost c
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etiam. As often, Tacitus does not l
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onis artibus) he received. Tacitus
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The failure of the plan is stressed
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Fisher, C. D. (ed.) (1906), Corneli
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—. (2010), Monument und Inschrift
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Kraus, C. S. and Woodman, A. J. (19
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Sumi, G. S. (2005), Ceremony and Po
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Rome’ by Richardprints @ Wikimedi
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This book does not end here... At O
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Tacitus, Annals, 15.20­-23, 33­-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

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Tacitus, Annals, 15.20-23, 33-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a