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Tacitus, Annals, 15.20­-23, 33­-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

Tacitus, Annals, 15.20­-23, 33­-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

Tacitus, Annals, 15.20­-23, 33­-45. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary, 2013a

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a text, early imperial Rome comes across as a society ruled over by lunatics<br />

besotted <strong>with</strong> power <strong>and</strong> keen to act on every depraved instinct. <strong>Tacitus</strong><br />

contributed his share to our image of Roman emperors as evil freaks. Over the<br />

last few decades, however, scholarship has increasingly started to question<br />

this picture, arguing that your favourite salacious anecdote about imperial<br />

Rome (such as Caligula appointing his horse to the consulship) may just be<br />

too good to be true – <strong>and</strong> is in fact a distorting rumour put into circulation<br />

posthumously by individuals <strong>and</strong> groups much invested in blackening the<br />

reputation of the deceased emperor. 21 Could it be that our sources are so<br />

hostile to certain emperors not because they were deranged – but that they<br />

look deranged because our sources are so hostile?<br />

This possibility may come as a let-down. But it shouldn’t: critical<br />

debunking of historiographical myth-making is in itself an exciting exercise<br />

that opens insights into a foreign culture. Fascination shifts from history<br />

to the ‘making’ of history, from the allure of alleged facts to the power of<br />

historical fabrications. The question as to why these sensationalizing stories<br />

have emerged <strong>and</strong> been able to colonize our imagination so effectively is<br />

arguably just as interesting as trying to put an emperor on the psychiatric<br />

couch on the basis of insufficient <strong>and</strong> distorted evidence. What went down in<br />

imperial Rome was not just the power of the sword but the power of the word,<br />

especially when it came to shaping (or disfiguring) posthumous reputations.<br />

oeuvreopera minora <strong>and</strong> maiora<br />

From the very beginning of Roman historiography in the late third century BC<br />

political achievement <strong>and</strong> authoritative prose about historical events or figures<br />

had gone h<strong>and</strong>-in-h<strong>and</strong>. The composition of historical narratives in a range of<br />

genres was very much the domain of senators. As Ronald Syme puts it: 22<br />

In the beginning, history was written by senators (first a Fabius, <strong>and</strong> Cato was<br />

the first to use the <strong>Latin</strong> language); it remained for a long time the monopoly of<br />

the governing order; <strong>and</strong> it kept the firm imprint of its origins ever after. The<br />

senator came to his task in mature years, <strong>with</strong> a proper knowledge of men <strong>and</strong><br />

government, a sharp <strong>and</strong> merciless insight. Taking up the pen, he fought again<br />

the old battles of Forum <strong>and</strong> Curia. Exacerbated by failure or not mollified by<br />

worldly success, he asserted a personal claim to glory <strong>and</strong> survival; <strong>and</strong>, if he<br />

wrote in retirement from affairs, it was not always <strong>with</strong> tranquillity of mind.<br />

21 For rehabilitation of Caligula see Winterling (2003/2011); for ‘Nero the Hero’ Champlin<br />

(2003). See also Caligula <strong>with</strong> Mary Beard on BBC2 (available on-line).<br />

22 Syme (1970) 1–2.

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