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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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154 CAPITALISM’S <strong>ACHILLES</strong> <strong>HEEL</strong><br />

of affairs, with exporters drawing their commercial invoices <strong>to</strong> show only a<br />

part of the real value of the shipment, so that repatriation of the stated<br />

amount is still less than the <strong>to</strong>tal value.<br />

So, the central bank has now strengthened oversight requirements<br />

placed on commercial banks processing export transactions. But who owns<br />

these commercial banks? Why, the exporters themselves! In the beginning of<br />

1988 only four banks existed in the whole of the Soviet Union. By 1996<br />

there were some 2,600 in Russia itself. Large <strong>and</strong> medium-sized Russian<br />

manufacturers <strong>and</strong> traders set up their own “pocket” banks <strong>to</strong> h<strong>and</strong>le their<br />

own trade documents <strong>to</strong> export <strong>to</strong> their own overseas buying offices. The<br />

bank executive telling the corporate executive <strong>to</strong> bring back his export proceeds<br />

<strong>to</strong> Mother Russia is the one-<strong>and</strong>-the-same executive talking <strong>to</strong> himself.<br />

Little wonder then that exports in the tens of billions of dollars continue <strong>to</strong><br />

go out of Russia annually at a fraction of their true value.<br />

The looting of Russia was accomplished by people using techniques already<br />

well established in other countries. Most were driven by almost<br />

unimaginable levels of greed, while some attempted <strong>to</strong> justify their actions<br />

on what was, in their view, best for the country.<br />

In the early 1990s, many Americans, Europeans, <strong>and</strong> Russians themselves<br />

believed that the only way <strong>to</strong> prevent communism from returning <strong>to</strong><br />

Russia was by getting capital <strong>and</strong> property out of the control of the state.<br />

Among young reformers in the government, Ana<strong>to</strong>ly Chubais <strong>to</strong>ok up the<br />

task of creating the State Privatization Committee, Gosudarstvennyi Kommitet<br />

Imushchestva (GKI), which he quickly established in 1992 with offices<br />

in every region of the country. To make his privatization program<br />

politically acceptable, he agreed that managers <strong>and</strong> workers would be allocated<br />

shares in their companies for purchase at nominal prices. In addition<br />

he gave vouchers worth 10,000 rubles (about $25) <strong>to</strong> an estimated 144<br />

million Russians, everyone born by September 2, 1992, which could be<br />

used <strong>to</strong> buy reserved shares, invested in mutual funds, or traded for other<br />

property. Instead of spreading the benefits of ownership, what happened<br />

was the opposite. Vouchers found a market <strong>and</strong> were gobbled up in<strong>to</strong> increasingly<br />

narrow h<strong>and</strong>s. And fac<strong>to</strong>ry direc<strong>to</strong>rs bought shares belonging <strong>to</strong><br />

their workers, often using money embezzled from the fac<strong>to</strong>ry itself. Concentration<br />

of ownership further contributed <strong>to</strong> the massive shift of wealth<br />

out of the country.

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