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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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60 CAPITALISM’S <strong>ACHILLES</strong> <strong>HEEL</strong><br />

payments as they were called in congressional committee hearings, of less<br />

than say $1,000, were not bribes at all. They were just a normal part of what<br />

we have <strong>to</strong> do from time <strong>to</strong> time <strong>to</strong> stay in business. In other words, the U.S.<br />

Congress came riding <strong>to</strong> the rescue of my conscience. Thank God! Here I’d<br />

been thinking for years that my corruption-fighting credentials were compromised.<br />

But, no, I never was a briber in the first place; I was merely a<br />

greaser! What a relief!<br />

The most brutal of Nigeria’s military dicta<strong>to</strong>rs was Sani Abacha, in<br />

power from 1993–1998. When Abacha graduated from S<strong>and</strong>hurst, the military<br />

training college in Engl<strong>and</strong>, his British instruc<strong>to</strong>rs, recognizing that he<br />

hardly possessed the qualities of an officer <strong>and</strong> a gentleman, noted on his<br />

confidential personnel file that he should never be permitted <strong>to</strong> rise above<br />

the rank of colonel. Three decades later as a general, he became possibly the<br />

richest unelected person ever <strong>to</strong> take over a country. Amassing his initial fortune<br />

allegedly through drug trafficking <strong>and</strong> arms purchasing, he was by<br />

some estimates a dollar billionaire while still number two in the political hierarchy,<br />

below Ibrahim Babangida.<br />

Nigeria’s position as a transit point for drugs emerged a little more than<br />

a year after the no<strong>to</strong>rious BCCI opened for business in the country in 1981<br />

<strong>and</strong> began facilitating linkages with South Asian <strong>and</strong> Latin American<br />

sources of heroin <strong>and</strong> cocaine. Nigerian generals competed <strong>to</strong> provide security<br />

for shipments arriving at urban airports <strong>and</strong> military bases, arranging<br />

temporary s<strong>to</strong>rage <strong>and</strong> perhaps movement <strong>to</strong> another l<strong>and</strong>ing strip, <strong>and</strong> then<br />

overseeing reloading <strong>and</strong> onward flights <strong>to</strong> markets in North America <strong>and</strong><br />

Europe. Members of Abacha’s family formed an air service <strong>and</strong> contracted<br />

with American Trans Air based in Indianapolis, Indiana, for equipment <strong>and</strong><br />

services. This secured his hold on the Lagos-<strong>to</strong>-New York smuggling route,<br />

though American Trans Air officials may not have known of his nefarious intent<br />

even after he lost his U.S. l<strong>and</strong>ing rights.<br />

Abacha had already developed a reputation for brashness in the business<br />

of corruption. When he was head of the defense establishment he had government<br />

checks for tens of millions of dollars written <strong>to</strong> his own name, supposedly<br />

enabling him <strong>to</strong> go abroad <strong>and</strong> purchase arms for his forces. For<br />

example, one check, said <strong>to</strong> have been for $75 million, was intended <strong>to</strong> fund<br />

weapons procurement for Nigerian troops stationed in Liberia, with little or<br />

nothing ever arriving.

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